to some of his purposes:-'It (the Bible) recognises, both in the Old Testament and the New, the existence of such a constitution of Society; and it lends its authority to enforce the mutual obligations resulting from that constitution.' But what else said we of the relations of Christianity to slavery? How far did we permit our concessions to be carried? Did we go the whole' in defence of slavery, as, in our author's manner of quotation, we seem to have done? The advocates of slavery,' we said, 'take it for granted, that because Christianity recognises such a state of society, and enforces the mutual duties arising therefrom, it sanctions slavery itself: this is a great and palpable error. The New Testament contains no express prohibition of polygamy. Is polygamy therefore consistent with Christianity? Christianity is always the antagonist principle of slavery.' Is Mr. Garrison's quotation an impartial exhibition of our doctrine?" Those who denounce the Colonization Society on account of the concessions which it has made to the feelings and prejudices of slaveholders, should recollect that our own most ardent and devoted advocates for the cause of the blacks adopted precisely the same policy. Neither Wilberforce nor Clarkson, complicated their strenuous and ultimately triumphant efforts for the abolition of the slave trade with the question of the abolition of slavery; and even those who have recently been the most powerful advocates of immediate and universal emancipation once admitted the expediency of a more gradual course. I wish they would call to mind their own past experience; and encourage their brethren, the philanthropists of America, in the good which they are already doing, rather than attempt to crush thein; because, for the present, they are opposed by difficulties which prevent their effecting more. -p. 22-23.

Again: The late lamented Mr. CALDWELL, in one of his Colonization speeches, held the following language concerning the coloured population of the United States:

"The more you improve the condition of the people-the more you cultivate their minds-the more miserable you make them, in their present state: you give them a higher relish for those privileges which they cannot attain, and turn what you intend for a blessing into a curse. No; if they remain in their present situation, keep them in the lowest state of ignorance and degradation. The nearer you bring them to the condition of brutes, the better chance do you give them of possessing their apathy. Surely Americans ought to be the last people on earth to advocate such slavish doctrines; to cry 'peace and contentment' to those who are deprived of the privileges of civil liberty! They who have so largely partaken of its blessings, who know so well how to estimate its value, ought to be among the foremost to extend it to others."

The latter part of this paragraph has been most unfairly suppressed, and the former adduced, by W. L. Garrison, in order to convict that benevolent individual of a "monstrous sentiment," and to prove that "the American Colonization Society advocates, and to a great extent perpetuates, the ignorance and degradation of the coloured population of the United States."-p. 31.

Dr. HODGKIN might, had he been so pleased, have constituted a pamphlet larger than his present work, entirely out of instances of falsification, on the part of Mr. GARRISON and his associates, similar to those which he has exposed. But these are amply sufficient to show that any degree of consideration with which Mr. G. has been or may hereafter be treated by his antagonists, must proceed from respect, not to him, but to themselves. Faithful, however, to his amiable motto, "cupio me esse clementem," Dr. HODGKIN contents himself with merely exhibiting Mr. Garrison's fraudulent practices, leaving the reader to give them the reprehension which they deserve at the hand of every honest man. The merits and demerits of a cause are one thing, the mode of defending it is another. Were the Colonization Society as nefarious an association as Mr. G. avows it to be, it would nevertheless be entitled to justice at his hands. It is his obvious duty, in quoting from its publications, to quote fairly; and by trampling on this obvious duty as he habitually does, he only prompts the public mind to transfer to himself the reprobation which he has attempted to fix on the objects of his calumny. His misrepresentations of the kind alluded to, have had the effect natural to a course at once weak and wicked-that of producing a general distrust of all his statements. An impartial man no more thinks now of resorting to Mr. G.'s writings for information about the Colonization Society, than he would to an almanac to ascertain the changes of the weather.

The extract which we shall now make from Dr. HODGKIN's work, begins with a proposition, exhibiting in a single striking sentence, a whole volume of argument:

It is worthy of remark, that, with all the concessions which the Colonization Society has made in favour of the present legal prerogatives of slaveholders, the only right of the master, for which they contend, is that of liberty to emancipate his slaves. It is stated in the Fourteenth Report, 1831, p. 25: "The accomplishment of our object will secure to every proprietor of slaves an opportunity, if he thinks proper, to exercise the right of disposing of his property as he pleases; a right for which we all strenuously contend, but which none of us possess." R. R. Gurley, in his admirable Essay, published in the Appendix of the same Report, p. 28, observes: "It is the success of the Society, it is the fulfilment of the hopes and predictions of its founders, that has awakened the desperate and malig nant spirit which now comes forth to arrest its progress. Voluntary emancipation begins to follow in the train of colonization; and the advocates of perpetual slavery are indignant at witnessing, in effectual operation, a scheme which permits better men than themselves to exercise, without restraint, the purest and the noblest feelings of our nature. These strenuous assertors of the right to judge for themselves, in regard to their domestic policy, are alarmed at a state of things which secures the same right to every individual of their community. Do they apprehend that the system which they would perpetuate cannot continue unimpaired, unless the privilege of emancipating his slaves, for the purpose of colonization, shall be denied to the master? Do they feel, that, in this country and this age, the influences of truth and freedom are becoming too active and powerful? and that all their forces must be summoned to the contest with these foes to their purposes and their doctrines? If so, their defeat is inevitable."

Our opponents endeavour to represent the Colonization Society as hostile to the people of colour, whom it has unjustly stigmatized and libelled. I believe that the Colonization Society, in its description of this class, has stated what it conceived to be strictly true.It was necessary that it should point out their deplorable and almost hopeless condition, when it appealed to benevolence for their relief: it was necessary that it should exhibit the reflected evils which recoil from this class upon those around them, when it wished to arouse the apathetic and selfish. In the Society's description of the general state of the free people of colour-to which, however, it admits with pleasure the existence of some bright exceptions-I see nothing but the natural consequences of the iniquitous system of slavery. In fact, a different state of things would have been a refutation of much that has been ably and excellently advanced by the Abolitionists themselves. The report of the degraded and demoralized condition of the majority of the free people of colour has been confirmed to me by every traveller who has visited America with whom I have had the opportunity of conversing on the subject.—p. 23–24.

Of the authorities adduced by Dr. H. in support of the foregoing remarks, we have room for only one. It is the following, taken from the Christian Examiner for January, 1833:

“Even in those parts which are denominated free States, the coloured free people are by no means exempt from the effects of the most unjustifiable prejudices; for, whether at home or abroad, in public places of amusement or in the sanctuary of the Lord, they are alike the subjects of scorn and contempt! As an illustration of their degraded condition, even in such cities as Philadelphia, New York, and Boston, it is only necessary to state, that a while barber would think himself grossly insulted were a coloured person, however respectable in Society, to enter his shop for the purpose of getting shaved !”

This last quotation deserves particular attention. It is from the pen of Nathaniel Paul, himself a man of colour. From this quotation, as well as from other sources, we may learn the indisputable, but important and lamentable fact, that the degraded and oppressed condition of the free people of colour is by no means confined to the slave-holding States. I would particularly press this fact on the consideration of those who oppose the views of the Colonization Society, whilst they defend the measures of the Anti-Slavery Society. -p. 25-26.

The following additional observations on the condition of the people of colour in the U. States, occur in a subsequent part of the pamphlet:

It is a lamentable fact, which, however contradicted by our opponents, is confirmed by impartial testimony, that exalted piety is no protection against the deep-rooted prejudice which has strongly possessed itself of the minds of the Americans generally; not even excepting those who are conspicuous as the advocates of religion, and who are, perhaps, justly esteemed as adorning the doctrine which they profess. Is it not notorious, that the people of colour either perform their religious devotions in entirely separate companies; or, if they meet in the same buildings with whites, are obliged to keep themselves to a distinct and peculiar situation in them? With the exception of some, who have visited America from Liberia, I have not been able to hear of more than one or two instances of

coloured persons, whatever may have been their virtue and piety, being admitted into the private society of their white brethren, on terms which evinced that even in their individual character they were exempt from the degrading prejudice under which the mass of their coloured countrymen are oppressed. For my own part, whilst I execrate this prejudice, I feel that there is as much cause to pity as to blame many of those whose conduct is influenced by it: and I may add, that I firmly believe that the Colonization Society, though it may appear in the first instance to yield to the prejudice which it cannot immediately destroy, is really preparing the death-blow for it, when it completely removes those who have been its victims from the sphere of its influence, to prepare them to re-appear in the field under new auspices.

If Christianity does not directly liberate the coloured inan in America from the degra dation which oppresses him, can it be surprising that property and personal accomplishments also fail? An accomplished and distinguished American physician, from an enlightened and liberal State, informed me that he had several coloured families amongst the respectable and profitable class of his patients. He had no feeling of unkindness towards them, or complaint to make against them; yet he told me, that in society they were com pletely excluded from the rest of the community.-p. 29.

For all purposes of practical benefit to the coloured population of the U. States, it is less important to inquire whether the prejudice there prevailing against them, be, or be not, "execrable," than to determine, its existence and strength being conceded, on the best mode of rescuing them from its effects. Such a mode, we firmly think, has been devised by the Colonization Society, in offering to convey such free coloured persons as wish to be so conveyed, to a region where this "prejudice," whether justly execrable or not, is unknown. And here it seems obvious, that every proof furnished by the Anti-Colonizationists of the extent, and, to use their own word, "rancour" of this prejudice in the U. States, is a fresh argument in favour of removing the objects of it beyond the sphere of its operation. If it be difficult to reason men out of a "prejudice," denunciation and abuse are instruments still less effectual. When the Anti-Slavery party, as they style themselves, shall set the example of intermarrying with the blacks, there will be some reason for believing that their asserted horror at this "prejudice" is sincere; but while no such evidence is furnished, and especially since their late solemn disclaimer, as of an imputed crime, of any matrimonial designs on their coloured brethren and sisters, the conclusion is inevitable that they disbelieve, like their adversaries, in the possibility of a physical amalgamation, and consequently of a social and political equality between the two races. The intelligent writer in the Christian Mirror, whose article will be found in another part of this number, has demon-_ strated that the condition of the free coloured people in this country, even under the most favourable circumstances, is one of degradation; and that it is made so by causes as permanent as their continuance among us. Now, has any scheme, save that of Colonization, for elevating the condition of these unfortunate persons been yet devised, that any candid and informed mind can deem practicable? And when the consequences of the Abolition projects to the Federal Union, and to the safety of its citizens are considered, can the most ingenious charity find a better excuse for their pro-jector, than in bottomless ignorance and unteachable fanaticism?

Among the misrepresentations noticed by Dr. HODGKIN, is the celebrated one of a passage in a speech delivered by the Hon. WILLIAM S. ARCHER, a high-minded and distinguished Virginian, in the year 1822. · We subjoin the obnoxious passage with the commentary of our author:

If none were drained away, slaves became, except under peculiar circumstances of climate and production, inevitably and speedily redundant; first, to the occasions of profiable employment, and, as a consequence, to the faculty of comfortable provision for them. No matter what the humanity of the owners; fixed restriction on their resources rustransfer itself to the comfort, and then to the subsistence, of the slave. At this lasc stage, the evil in this form had to stop. To this stage (from the disproportioned rate of P uitiplication of the slaves-double that of the owners, in this country) it was obliged, though at different periods, in different circumstances, to come. When this stage hud

been reached, what course or remedy remained? Was open butchery to be resorted to, as, among the Spartans, with the Helots? or general emancipation and incorporation, as in South America? or abandonment of the country by the masters, as must come to be the case in the West Indies? Either of these was a deplorable catastrophe. Could all of them be avoided? and, if they could, how? There was but one way;-but that might be made efectual, fortunately!—it was, to provide and keep open a drain for the excess of increase beyond the occasions of profitable employment. This might be done effectually, by extension of the plan of the Society. The drain was already opened."—15th Report, 1832, p. 26.

The passage, after all, does not contain any thing so very atrocious. The principle which it expresses is by no means essentially connected with slavery, but inight be applied to the laborious classes in every state of society, whether bond or free. It is the principle upon which the most disinterested philanthropists advocate the emigration of the redundant pauper population of this country to territories where their prospects may brighten and their energies find scope. The entire speech forms an interesting document amongst the records of the Society; since it makes us acquainted with the sincere and dispassionate sentiments of a body of men whose number and influence make their opinions, whether correct or erroneous, the subject of important consideration, in conjunction with any measure aurecting the state of society in which they are placed. With this view, I shall take the liberty of making some few extracts from the speech in question.-p. 27. Dr. H. thus again adverts to an objection which he had before disposed of

If the principal object of the Colonization Society, as its opponents insinuate, were an interested and selfish desire, on the part of the slave-owners, to drain off a redundant black population that they might increase the value and more easily hold in subjection those that reinain, we should expect to find a mutual combination amongst them to enect this purpose by some general sacrifice, rather than a few individuals generously devoting their entire property in slaves for the sake of those who are really their rivals. The nunber of slave-owners who, notwithstanding the high price which they might obtain for their slaves, have come forward in this manner and manumitted them, or published their d termination to do so as soon as the Society's means will allow them to effect their colonization, proves both that the desire to emancipate is by no means wanting amongst the calumniated citizens of the South, and that the difficulties in the way of manumission, which their adversaries seem unwilling to admit, had really been to them insuperable. In some instances, the plea of selfishness has been more completely refuted, and the be-nevolent anxiety on the part of the masters to benefit their slaves exhibited by the pains. which they have taken to prepare them for emigration, and even by their wholly or partially paying their expenses to the colony. A striking instance of this has been given by the benevolent Margaret Mercer; who has not only given up her patrimony in slaves, prepared them for colonization, and sent them to Liberia, but devotes her life to the arduous profession of schoolmistress, and her mansion to the purpose of a school, in order to increase her means of benefitting the Afro-American people of colour. Elizabeth Greenfield, Col. Early, and the Breckenridges, also deserve honourable mention, for similar conduct.

Dr. Aylett Hawes, of Virginia, has bequeathed freedom to about 100 slaves, and $20 for each, to assist the Colonization Society in conveying them to Liberia.—p. 30.

The first of the subjoined paragraphs is founded in deep and true philosophy; and, coming as it does from a foreigner, is an in pressive rebuke to those domestic agitators who are sporting with the Institutions and the peace of their Country:

I cannot quit this subject without offering a remark which seems to be connected with it. In fully admitting that "knowledge is power," and that it is one of the great evils and fruits of the injustice of absolute authorities to withhold it from their subjects, it is necessary that those who are desirous to correct this state of things, and promote the diffusion of knowledge, should be circumspect and cautious as to their mode of introducing it; otherwise there is a danger of exhibiting to them all the evils of their position before they have the power to extricate themselves; lest, startled and agitated by the discovery, they make struggles injurious to themselves and those around them: as when the blinkers are taken from a horse in harness, the sudden discovery of the apparatus attached to him makes him take fright, and hurry vehicle, passengers, and himself to destruction. Into this error, the Abolitionists of America, and more especially the Editor of the "Liberator," have, I believe, in some degrec, fallen, and thereby contri.uted to promote the passing of oppressive laws.

It is not the end, but the means, of which I am doubtful. The energetic language of the Liberator has not, that I am aware, induced a single slaveholder to remove or relax his shackles: it has excited displeasure; and, instead of obtaining an attentive pe sal, has raised against its author an opposition which has induced me to feel for him as a persecut

ed individual. The fault, however, is, in part, his own. He fails in persuading the master, and is suspected of agitating the blacks, who form, as he has told us, at least two-thirds of his subscribers.

Great importance appears to be attached to the protests and remonstrances published by several congregations of free blacks in America, in opposition to the Colonization Society: but it should be remembered, that these individuals are at perfect liberty to remain where they are; that so far from having any personal acquaintance with the settlement of Liberia, to give value to their opinion, they merely re-echo the sentiments of the Editor of the Liberator, of whose journal they are the chief support: and, above all, it must be borne in mind, that their sentiments are directly opposed to those of the people of colour who have visited the colony, or taken pains to make themselves authentically acquainted with it. "Some of the authors of this objection, have first persuaded them not to emigrate, and then pronounced that they will not. Their prediction and their argument have both failed."Ed Report, 1829, p. 23.

The very favourable report of Simpson and Moore, deliberately offered to their brethren, on their return from Liberia, is so complete and important a negative to the assertions of W. Lloyd Garrison, that he has endeavoured to set it aside, as not being genuine-and, with this view, asserted the accredited authors to be ignorant individuals, unable to read and write, and consequently incompetent to have produced the report in question. This statement was made to several of my friends, by W. Lloyd Garrison himself, during his short stay in this country. By a very remarkable contingency, Anson G. Phelps, the highly respectable citizen of New York who received Simpson and Moore immediately on their landing from Liberia, happens to have been in this country since this assertion was made; and being accidentally in company with one of the gentlemen to whom it was addressed, that gentleman, who also by accident became acquainted with the fact of his having so received Simpson and Moore, took the opportunity of making inquiries respecting them; and received in return, not only the assurance that they were, as the circumstance of their selection by their brethren seemed to imply, persons of good understanding and competent education, but that he had seen the journal they had kept, from the time of their leaving Natchez up to the period of their arrival at New York.-p. 32-33.

We are happy to observe that JAMES BROWN's exposition of the misrepresentations circulated by the Anti-Colonizationists of the statements of Price and Whittington, has attracted the attention of Dr. Hodgkin. He thus refutes another charge against the Society:

The enemies of the Colonization Society have endeavoured to represent its friends as guilty of subterfuge and inconsistency, in professing a design to civilize and Christianize Africa, by means of a class whose degraded and demoralized condition it has prominently exhibited. This is a charge which appears to be substantiated by the contrasted extracts which they have given; but it is by no means the conclusion to be obtained from a fair and connected perusal of the Society's publications.

From these it is evident, that they have, in general, taken great pains in the selection of their colonists; as a proof of which, they have had no occasion for whites in any official capacity, except that of Governor and Physician. Although they consider the degraded condition of the coloured population as the result of their unfortunate position in society, rather than an inherent characteristic of their race; and that consequently, under favoura ble circumstances, they may both improve themselves, and be the means of improving others; especial attention has been paid to avoid sending out such a proportion of an inferior class as to compromise the well-being and character of the colony. But it has been said, we have Governor Mechlin's own letter, in proof of the bad character of the emigrants whom you style Missionaries. It appears to me, that the legitimate inference to be drawn from that letter is, that the complaint made against a particular cargo of emigrants implies the general good character of those who preceded them; and the publication of that letter by the Society is both an evidence of its candour and frankness, and a proof of its desire to avoid the occasion of such an objection in future: it must be the means of obtaining increased attention to the selection and preparation of future emigrants, by which the Society cannot fail to benefit the blacks who stay, as well as those who go.Already some of the legal impediments to the education of negroes have been revoked, in favour of such as are destined for the coast of Africa; but it is obvious, that, of the many so educated, not a few may miss emigration, and remain in America. Again, those who are receiving instruction, as a qualification for colonization, will, in the mean time, be likely to improve those who may not be so fortunate, but with whom they may happen to have intercourse: nor need the jealousy of the enemies to negro education be excited by this indirect effect, since the knowledge so communicated, will be accompanied by a kindly rather than by a hostile feeling towards the whites.

I am surprised that the opponents of the Colonization Society should have taken offence at the designation of Africa as the native country of the negro, and affected to misunderstand its meaning. It is evident, that it merely implies that Africa is the cradle of the black race, and strictly of that particular black race which has been the victim of slavery