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interference of the powers, ultimately coalefced against France, in her interior arrangements, imputed to them as an unpardonable crime, when her leaders had given fo terrible an example, and had provoked retaliation as a mean of felf-preservation* ?

Thefe decrees preceded the tranfactions which immediately led to rupture between France and the other powers, Auftria and Pruffia excepted. It is idle to pretend, that they did not furnish to thofe powers juft caufe of war. There is no rule of public law better established or on better grounds, than that whenever one nation unequivocally avows maxims of conduct dangerous to the fecurity and tranquillity of others, they have a right to attack her, and to endeavour to difable her from carrying her fchemes into effect. They are not bound to wait till inimical defigns are matured for action, when it may be too late to defeat them.

How far it may have been wife in a particular government to have taken up the gauntlet, or, if in its option, to have left France to the fermentations of the pernicious principles by which its leaders were actuated, is a queftion of mere expediency, diftinct from the right. It is alfo a complicated and difficult queftion-one which able and upright men might decide different ways. But the right is ftill indifputable.

NOTE.

*If it be true, as pretended, that Auftria and Pruffia firft interfered in this way with France, it was no plea for her to retaliate on all the reft of Europe. Great Britain, in particular, as far as appears, had obferved a fair neutrality. Yet the principle of the French decree was emphatically pointed against her, by the open reception of deputations of malcontents, and public declarations to them, on behalf of the French government, avowing the defire of feeing all thrones overturned, of a national convention, and a republican revolution in England.

The moment the convention vomited forth thefe venomous decrees, all the governments threatened were juftifiable in making war upon France.

Neither were they bound to be fatisfied with after explanations or qualifications of the principles which had been declared. They had a right to judge confcientiously, whether reliance could be placed on any pretended change of fyftem, and to act accordingly. And while the power of France remained in the fame men, who had discovered fuch hostile views, and while the effervefcence of the public mind continued at its height, there could not have been, in the nature of things, any fecurity in af furances of greater moderation. Fanaticifin is a fpirit equally fraudulent and intractable. Fanatics may diffemble, the better to effect their aims; but they feldom fuddenly reform. No faith is due to the reformation which they may affect, unlefs it has been the work of time and experience.

But whether a wrong or a right election in point of expediency, may have been made by all or any of the powers, which, after the paffing of thofe decrees became engaged in hoftility with France, it is not the less true, that her government was the firft aggreffor, and is primarily chargeable with the evils which have followed. This conclufion is greatly aided by the ftriking fact, that it was France which declared war, not only against Auftria and Pruffia, but against England, Spain, Sardinia, and Hol

land.

Two very important inferences refult from the facts which have been prefented-one, that in blowing up the dreadful flame which has overwhelmed Europe in misfortune, France is the party principally cul. pable-the other, that the prominent original feature of her revolution is the fpirit of profelytifm, or the defire of new modelling the political inftitution of the rest of the world ac cording to her ftandard. The course of the revolutions alfo demonstrates

that, whatever change of fyftem may have been at any time pretended, or however the fyftem may in particular inftances have yielded to a temporary policy; it has continued in the main to govern the conduct of the parties, who have fucceffively triumphed and tyrannized.

TITUS MANLIUS.

April 4, 1798.

No. III.

IN reviewing the difgufting fpectacle of the French revolution, it is difficult to avert the eye entirely from thofe features of it which betray a plan to diforganize the human mind itfelf, as well as to undermine the venerable pillars that fupport the edifice of civilized fociety. The attempt, by the rulers of a nation, to destroy all religious opinion, and to pervert a whole people to atheism, is a phenomenon of profligacy referved to confumate the infamy of the unprincipled reformers of France. The proofs of this terrible defign are numerous and convincing.

The animofity to the Chriftian fyftem is demonftrated, by the fingle act of the ridiculous and impolitic eftablishment of the decades, with the evident object of fupplanting the Christian Sabbath. The infcriptions, by public authority, on the tombs of the deceafed, affirming death to be an eternal fleep, witnefs the defire to difcredit the belief of the immortality of the foul. The open profeffion of atheism in the convention*, received with acclamations; the honourable mention, on its journals, of a book profeffing to prove the nothingness of all religiont; the inftitution of a feftival to offer public worship to a courtezan, decorated with the pompous title of Goddefs of Reason ;" the congratulatory reception of impious children, appearing in the hall NOTES.

*By Dupont, Danton, &c. + Written and prefented by Anacharfis Clootz, calling himself orator of the human race.

of the convention to lifp blafphemy against the King of Kings; are among the dreadful proofs of a confpiracy to establish atheism on the ruins of Chriftianity-to deprive mankind of its beft confolations and moft animating hopes--and to make a gloomy defart of the univerfe.

Latterly, the indications of this plan are not fo frequent as they were; but, from time to time, fomething ftill efcapes, which discovers that it is not renounced. The late addrefs of Buonaparte to the drirectory is an example. That unequalled conqueror, from whom it is painful to detract, in whom one would wish to find virtues worthy of his fhining talents, profanely unites religion (not fuperftition) with royalty, and the feudal fyftem, as the fcourges of Europe for centuries paft. The decades likewife remain the catapulta, which is to batter down Christianity.

Equal pains have been taken to deprave the morals as to extinguish the religion of the country, if indeed morality, in a community, can be feparated from religion. It is among the fingular and fantaftic vagaries of the French revolution, that, while the duke of Brunfwick was marching to Paris, a new law of divorce was paffed; which makes it as easy for a hufband to get rid of his wife, and a wife of her husband, as to difcard a worn-out habit. To complete the diffolution of those ties, which are the chief links of domeftic and ultimately of focial attachment, the journals of the convention record, with guilty applaufe, accufations preferred by children against the lives of their parents.

It is not neceffary to heighten the picture, by fketching the horrid groupe

NOTE.

This law, it is understood, has been lately modified, in confequence of its manifeftly pernicious tendency; but upon a plan, which, according to the opinion of the beft men in the two councils, lately banished, would leave the evil in full force.

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of profcriptions and murders, which have made of France a den of pillage and flaughter; blackening with eternal opprobrium the very name of

man.

The pious and the moral weep over these scenes, as a fepulchre deftined to entomb all they revere and efteem. The politician, who loves liberty, fees them with regret, as a gulph that may fwallow up the liberty to which he is devoted. He knows, that morality overthrown (and morality muft fall with religion) the terrors of defpotifm can alone curb the impetuous paffions of man, and confine him within the bounds of focial duty.

But let us return to the conduct of revolutionary France towards other nations, as more immediately within our purpose.

It has been feen, that fhe commenced her career as the champion of univerfal liberty; and, proclaiming deftruction to the governments which he was pleased to denominate defpotic, made a tender of fraternity and affiftance to the nations whom they oppreffed. She, at the fame time, difclaimed conqueft and aggrandizement.

But it has fince clearly appeared, that at the very moment fhe was making these profeffions, and while her diplomatic agents were hypocritically amufing foreign courts with conciliatory explanations, and promifes of moderation; fhe was exerting every faculty, by force and fraud, to accomplish the very conqueft and aggrandizement which the infiduoufly difavowed.

The people of Belgium, enfnared by fair pretences, believed, that in abandoning the defence of their country and the cause of their ancient fovereign, they acquired a title to enjoy liberty under a government of their own choice, protected by France. Contrary to the hopes which were infpired-contrary to the known will

NOTE.

* England among the reft.

of a large majority of that peoplecontrary to all their religious and national prejudices they have been compelled to become departments of France. And their violated temples have afforded a rich plunder, to ali, ment further conqueft and oppreffi

on.

The Dutch, feduced by the fame arts to facilitate, rather than obstruct, the entrance of a French army into their country, thought they were only getting rid of their stadtholder and · nobles, and were to retain their territory, and their wealth, fecured by fuch a civil eftablishment as they fhould freely choofe. Their reward is, the difmemberment of their country, and the lofs of their wealth by exhaufting contributions; and they are obliged to take a government, dictated by a faction openly countenanced and fupported by France. Completely a province of France, in imitation of their frantic masters, they are advancing, with rapid ftrides, to a lawless tyranny at homet.

France, profeffing eternal hatred to kings, was to be the tutelary genius of republics-Holland, Genoa, Venice, the Swifs Cantons, and the United States, are agonizing witneffes of her fincerity.

Of undone Holland, no more need be faid; nothing remains for us but to exercife tender fympathy in the unfortunate fate of a country, which generoufly lent its aid to establifh our independence, and to deduce from her melancholy example an inftructive leffon to repel with determined vigour, the mortal embrace of her feducer and destroyer.

Genoa, a fpeck on the Globe, for having at every hazard refifted the efforts of the enemies of France to force her from a neutral ftation, is recompenfed with the fubverfion of

NOTE.

By the laft accounts, fome of their most independent citizens have been feized and imprifoned, merely for the conftitutional exercise of their opinion.

her government, and the pillage of her wealth by compulfory and bur

denfome contributions.

Venice is no more! In vain had fhe preferved a faithful neutrality, when perhaps her interpofition might have inclined the fcale of victory in Italy against France. A few of her citizens kill fome French foldiers. Inftant retaliation takes place. Every atonement is offered-Nothing will fuffice but the overthrow of her government-It is effected. Her own citizens, attracted by the lure of democracy, become acceffary to it, and receive a popular government at the hand of France-What is the fequel -what the faith kept with them? It fuits France to bribe the emperor to a furrender of the Netherlands and to peace, that the may purfue her projects elsewhere with lefs obftacle. It fuits France to extend her power and commerce by the acquifition of portions of the Venetian territories. The bribe is offered and accepted. Venice is divided. She difappears from the mass of nations. The tragedy of Poland is reacted with circumftances of aggravated atrocity.

France is perfidious enough to facrifice a people, who, at her defire, had confented to abrogate their privileged cafts, to the chief of thofe defpots, against whom she had vowed eternal hatred.

The Swifs cantons-the boaft of republicans-the model to which they have been glad to appeal in proof, that a republican government may confift with the order and happiness of fociety-the old and faithful allies of France, who are not even pretended to have deviated from a fincere neutrality-what are they at this moment? Perhaps like Venice-a flory told! The defpots of France had found pretences to quarrel with them--commotions were excited—the legions of France were in

NOTE.

* Were they not French agents employed to create the pretext?

march to fecond the infurgents. Little other hope remains, than that the death of this refpectable people will be as glorious as their life; that they will fell their independence as dearly as they bought it. But, why despair of a brave and virtuous people, who appear determined to meet the impending danger with a countenance emulous of their ancient renown?

The United States-what is their fituation? Their fovereignty trampled in the duft, and their commerce bleeding at every pore, fpeak in loud accents the fpirit of oppreffion and rapine, which characterizes the ufurpers of France. But of this, a diftinct view is requifite, and will be taken.

In thefe tranfactions, we difcover ambition and fanaticifm marching hand in hand-bearing the enfigns of hypocrify, treachery, and rapine. The dogmas of a falfe and fatal creed fecond the weapons of ambition. Like the prophet of Mecca, the tyrants of France prefs forward with the alcoran of their faith in one hand, and the fword in the otherthey profelyte, fubjugate, and debase-no distinction is made between republic and monarchy-all must alike yield to the aggrandizement of the "Great nation;" the diftinctive, the arrogant appellation lately affumed by France, to affert in the face of nations her fuperiority and afcendency. Nor is it a mere title with which vanity decorates itself.-It is the fubftantial claim of dominion. France, fwelled to a gigantic fize, and aping ancient Rome, except in her virtues, plainly meditates the control of mankind, and is actually giving the law to nations. Unleís they quickly roufe, and compel her to abdicate her infolent claim, they will verify the truth of that philofophy, which makes man in his natural ftate, a quadruped, and it will only remain for the miferable animal, converting his hands into paws, in the attitude of prone fubmiffion, to offer his patient and fervile back R

to whatever burdens the lordly tyrants of France may think fit to impofe. TITUS MANLIUS.

April 9, 1798.

No. IV.

IN the purfuit of her plan of univerfal empire, the two objects which now feem chiefly to occupy the attention of France, are a new organization of Germany favourable to her influence, and the demolition of Great Britain. The fubverfion and plunder, first of Portugal, next of Spain, will be merely collateral incidents in the great drama of iniquity.

In the new diftribution of the territories, population, and political power of the Germanic body, which has been announced as in contemplation of the directory, three characters are confpicuous-a difpofition to build up rivals to the imperial chief, ftrong enough to feel the fentiment of competition, but too weak to hazard it alone, who will therefore ftand in need of the patronage of France, and as a confequence will facilitate her influence in the affairs of the empire-a generofity in making compenfation, at the expenfe of others, for the fpoils with which the has aggrandized herfelf-a facility in transferring communities, like herds of cattle, from one mafter to another, without the privilege of an option. In a project like this, it is impoffible to overlook the plain indications of a reftlefs, overbearing ambition, combined with a total difregard of the rights and wishes of nations. The people are counted for nothing, their mafters for every thing.

The conduct of France towards Great Britain, is the copy of that of Rome towards Carthage. Its manifeft aim is to deftroy the principal obftacle to a domination over Europe. Hiftory proves, that Great Britain has repeatedly upheld the balance of power there, in oppofition to the grafping ambition of France. She has, no doubt, occafionally employed the pretence of danger as the in

ftrument of her own ambition; but it is not the lefs true, that he has been more than once an effential and an effectual fhield against real danger. This was remarkably the case, in the reign of Louis XIV. when the fecurity of Europe was seriously threatened by the fuccefsful enterprifes of that very ambitious monarch.

The courfe of the laft negociation between France and Britain leaves no doubt, that the former was refolved against peace on any practicable terms. This of itfelf indicates, that the deftruction of the latter is the direct object in view. But this object is not left to inference. It has been faftidiously proclaimed to the world; and the neceffity of crushing the tyrant of the fea has been trumpeted as a motive to other powers, to acquiefce in the execution of a plan, by which France endeavours to become the tyrant both of fea and land. The understanding of mankind has, at the fame time, been mocked, with the propofition, that the peace of Europe would be fecured by the aggrandizement of France on the ruins of her rivals; because then, it is faid, having nothing to fear, fhe would have no motive to attack; as if moderation was to be expected from a government or people having the power to impofe its own will without control. The peace of Europe would in fuch cafe be the peace of vaffalage.

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Towards the execution of the plan of deftroying Great Britain, rights of other nations are openly and daringly invaded. The confif cation is decreed of all veffels with their cargoes, if compofed in any part, of articles of British fabric; and all nations are to be compelled to shut their ports against the meditated victim. Hamburgh is ftated to have already reluctantly yielded to this humiliating compulfion.

While the demolition of Great Britain is eagerly pursued as à primary object, that of Portugal feems

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