zens inhabiting the adjacent territory, as to deferve the moft exemplary punishment; and we will cheerfully afford our aid in framing a law, which may prescribe a punishment adequate to the commiffion of crimes fo hein

ous.

The feveral objects you have point ed out to the attention of the legiflature, whether they regard our internal or external relations, fhall rereceive from us that attention which they merit; and we will readily concur in all fuch meafures as may be neceffary, either to enable us to fulål our engagements at home, or to cause ourselves to be respected abroad. And at this portentous period, when the powers of Europe, with whom we are connected by treaty or commerce, are in fo critical a fituation; and when the conduct of fome of thofe powers, towards the United States, is fo hoftile and menacing; the feveral branches of the government are, in our opinion, called upon, with peculiar importunity, to unite; and by union not only to devife and carry into effect those meafures on which the fafety and profperity of our country depend, but alfo to undeceive thofe nations, who, regarding us as a weak and divided people, have purfued fyftems of aggreffion inconfiftent with a ftate of peace between independent nations. And, fir, we beg leave to affure you, that we derive a fingular confolation from the reflection, that at fuch a time the executive part of our government has been committed to your hands; for, in your integrity, talents, and firmnefs, we place the most entire confidence.

To which the President was pleased to make the following Reply:

Gentlemen of the Senate,

I thank you for this addrefs.When, after the most laborious investigation, and ferious reflection, without partial confiderations, or perfonal motives, measures have been adopted or recommended, I can re

ceive no higher teftimony of their rectitude, than the approbation of an affembly, fo independent, patriotic, and enlightened, as the fenate of the United States.

Nothing has afforded me more entire fatisfaction, than the coincidence of your judgment with mine, in the opinion of the effential importance of our commerce, and the abfolute neceffity of a maritime defence. What is it, that has drawn to Europe the fuperfluous riches of the three other quarters of the globe, but a marine? What is it, that has drained the wealth of Europe itself into the coffers of two or three of its principal commercial powers, but a marine?

The world has furnished no example of a flourishing commerce, without a maritime protection: and a moderate knowledge of man and his hiftory, will convince any one that no fuch prodigy ever can arife. A mercantile marine and a military marine muft grow up together: one cannot long exift, without the other.

JOHN ADAMS.

United States, Nov. 28, 1797.

Answer of the House of Representatives.

To the President of the United States.

SIR,

WHILE our fympathy is excited by the recent fufferings of the citizens of Philadelphia, we partici pate in the fatisfaction which you are pleafed to exprefs, that the dur ation of the late calamity was fo limited, as to render unneceffary the expense and inconvenience that would have been incident to the convention

of congrefs in another place: and we fhall readily attend to every use ful amendment of the law, which con❤ templates the event of contagious fickness at the feat of government.

In lamenting the increase of the injuries offered to the perfons and property of our citizens at fea, we gratefully acknowledge the continu

ance of interior tranquillity, and the attendant bleffings of which you remind us, as alleviations of these fatal effects of injuftice and violence.

Whatever may be the refult of the miffion to the French republic, your early and uniform attachment to the interest of our conntry-your important fervices in the struggle for its independence-and your unceafing exertions for its welfare-afford no room to doubt of the fincerity of your efforts, to conduct the negotiation to a fuccefsful conclufion, on fuch terms as may be compatible with the fafety, honour, and interest of the United States. We have alfo a firm reliance upon the energy and unanimity of the people of these ftates, in the affertion of their rights, and on their determination to exert, upon all proper occafions, their ample refources in providing for the national defence.

The importance of commerce, and its beneficial influence upon agriculture, arts, and manufactures, have been verified in the growth and profperity of our country. It is effentially connected with the other great interefts of the community. They muft flourish and decline together; and, while the extention of our navigation and trade, naturally excites the jealoufy, and tempts the avarice of other nrtions, we are firmly perfuaded, that the numerous and deferving clafs of citizens engaged in thefe purfuits, and dependent on them for their fubfiftence, has a ftrong and indifputable claim to our fupport and protection.

The delay of the Spanish officers to fulfil the treaty existing with his Catholic majefty, is a fource of deep regret. We learn, however, with fatisfaction, that you ftill indulge hopes of removing the objections which have been made to its execution, and that you have continued in readiness to receive the pofts. Difpofed to perform, with fidelity, our national engagements, nothing fhall be wanting on our part to obtain

the fame justice from others, which we exercise towards them.

Our abhorrence cannot be too ftrongly expreffed, of the intrigues of foreign agents to alienate the af fections of the Indian nations, and to rouse them to acts of hostility against the United States. No means in our power, fhould be ommitted, of providing for the fuppreffion of fuch cruel practices, and for the adequate punishment of their atrocious authors.

Upon the other interesting fubjects noticed in your addrefs, we shall beftow the requifite attention. To preferve inviolate the public faith, by providing for the due execution of our treaties to indemnify thofe who may have juft claims to retribution upon the United States, for expenf es incurred in defending the property, and relieving the neceffities of our unfortunate fellow-citizens-to guard against evafions of the laws intended to fecure advantages to the naviga tion of our own veffels-and efpecially to prevent, by all poffible means, an unneceffary accumulation of the public debt, are duties which we shall endeavour to keep in view, and difcharge with affiduity.

We regard, with great anxiety, the fingular and portentous fituation of the principal powers of Europe. It was devoutly to be wifhed, that the United States, remote from this feat of war and difcord, unambitious of conqueft, refpecting the rights of other nations, and defirous, merely, to avail themselves of their natural refources, might be permitted to be. hold the fcenes which defolate that quarter of the globe, with only thofe fympathetic emotions which are na tural to the lovers of peace, and friends of the human race. But we are led by events to affociate with thefe feelings a sense of the dangers which menace our fecurity and peace. We rely upon your affurances of a zealous and hearty concurrence in fuch measures as may be necessary to avert thefe dangers; and nothing on

our part fhall be wanting to repel them, which the honour, fafety, and profperity of our country may require.

To which the President replied:

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives,

I receive this addrefs from the houfe of reprefentatives of the United States with peculiar pleasure.

Your approbation of the meeting of congrefs in this city, and of thofe

other measures of the executive authority of government, communicated in my addrefs to both houses, at the opening of the feffion, afford me great fatisfaction; as the strongest defire of my heart is to give fatisfaction to the people and their reprefentatives, by a faithful discharge of my duty.

The confidence you exprefs in the fincerity of my endeavours, and in the unanimity of the people, does me much honour, and gives me great joy.

I rejoice in that harmony which appears in the fentiments of all the branches of the government, on the importance of our commerce, and our obligations to defend it, as well as in all other fubjects recommended to your confideration; and fincerely congratulate you, and our fellow-citizens at large, on this appearance, fo aufpicious to the honour, intereft, and happiness of the nation,

JOHN ADAMS.

United States, Nov. 29, 1797. Message of the President of the United States to both Houses of Congress.

Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of Repre

sentatives,

THE firft difpatches from our envoys extraordinary, fince their arrival at Paris, were received at the fecretary of State's office, at a late hour, the last evening. They are all in a character, which will require Some days to be decyphered, except

the laft, which is dated the 8th of January, 1798*. The contents of this letter are of fo much importance to be immediately made known to congrefs, and to the public, efpecie ally to the mercantile part of our fellow-citizens, that I have thought it my duty to communicate them to both houfes, without lofs of time.

JOHN ADAMS.

United States, March 5, 1798.

Message from the President of the United States to both Houses of Congress.

Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of Repre sentatives,

THE difpatches, from the envoys extraordinary of the United States to the French republic, which were mentioned in my meffage, to both houses of congrefs, of the 5th inft. have been examined and maturely confidered.

While I feel a fatisfaction in informing you, that their exertions, for the adjustment of the differences, between the two nations, have been fincere and unremitted, it is incumbent on me to declare, that I perceive no ground of expectation, that the objects of their miffion can be accomplished, on terms compatible with the fafety, honour, or the effential interefts of the nation.

my

This refult cannot, with justice, be attributed to any want of moderation on the part of this government, or to any indifpofition to forego fe condary interefts for the prefervation of dupeace. Knowing it to be ty, and believing it to be your wifh, as well as that of the great body of the people, to avoid, by all reafonable conceffions, any participation in the contentions of Europe; the powers vested in our envoys, were commenfurate with a liberal and pacific policy, and that high confidence,

which might juftly be repofed in the abilities, patriotism, and integrity of the characters, to whom the negotiation was committed. After a careful review of the whole fubject, with the aid of all the information I have received, I can difcern nothing, which could have infured, or contributed to fuccefs, that has been omitted on my part, and nothing further wich can be attempted, confiftently with maxims, for which our country has contended, at every hazard, and which conftitute the bafis of our national fovereignty.

Under thefe circumftances I cannot forbear to reiterate the recommendations, which have been formerly made, and to exhort you, to adopt, with promptitude, decifion, and unanimity, fuch measures as the ample refources of the country afford, for the protection of our feafaring and commercial citizens; for the defence of any exposed portions of our territory; for replenishing our arfenals, establishing founderies, and military manufactures; and to provide fuch efficient revenue, as will be neceffary to defray extraordinary expenfes and fupply the deficiencies, which may be occafioned by depredations on our commerce.

The prefent ftate of things is fo effentially different from that, in which inftructions were given to collectors to reftrain veffels of the United States from failing in an armed condition, that the principle, on which thofe orders were iffued, has ceafed to exift. I therefore deem it proper to inform congrefs, that I no longer conceive myself justifiable in continuing them, unless in particular cafes, where there may be reasonable ground of fufpicion, that fuch veffels are intended to be employed contrary to law.

In all your proceedings, it will be important to manifeft a zeal, vigor, and concert, in defence of the national rights, proportioned to the danger with which they are threatened. JOHN ADAMS.

- United States, 19th March, 1798.

ry

of the United States to the French republic, which were mentioned in my meffage of the 19th of March laft; omitting only fome names, and a few expreffions defcriptive of the perfons.

I request that they may be confidered in confidence, until the members of congrefs are fully poffeffed of their contents, and fhall have had opportunity to deliberate on the confequences of their publication; after which time I fubmit them to your wisdom.

JOHN ADAMS. United States, April 3d, 1798. Instructions to Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, John Marshall, and Elbridge Gerry, Esquires, Envoys Extraordinary and Ministers Plenipotentiary, from the United States of America to the French Republic.

Gentlemen,

IT is known to you, that the people of the United States of America entertained a warm and fincere affection for the people of France, ever fince their arms were united in the war with Great Britain, which ended in the full and formal acknowledgment of the independence of these ftates. It is known to you, that this affection was ardent, when the French determined to reform their government and establish it on the bafis of liberty-that liberty, in which the people of the United States were born, and which, in the conclufion of the war above mentioned, was finally and firmly fecured. It

is known to you, that this affection rofe to enthufiafm, when the war was kindled between France and the powers of Europe, which were combined against her for the avowed purpofe of restoring the monarchy; and every where vows were heard for the fuccefs of the French arms. Yet, during this period, France expreffed no wish that the United States fhould depart from their neutrality. And, while no duty required us to enter into the war, and our best interests urged us to remain at peace, the government determined to take a neutral station; which being taken, the duties of an impartial neutrality became indifpenfably binding. Hence the government early proclaimed to our citizens the nature of thofe duties, and the confequences of their violation.

The minifter of France, mr. Genet, who arrived about this time, by his public declarations, confirmed the idea, that France did not defire us to quit the ground we had taken. His measures, however, were calculated to deftroy our neutrality, and to draw us into the war.

The principles of the proclamation of neutrality, founded on the law of nations, which is the law of the land, were afterwards recognized by the national legislature, and the obfervance of them enforced by fpecific penalties, in the act of congrefs, paffed the fifth of June, 1794. By thefe principles and laws, the acts of the executive and the decifions of the courts of the United States were regulated.

A government, thus fair and upright in its principles, and just and impartial in its conduct, might have confidently hoped to be fecure against formal official cenfure; but the United States have not been fo forThe acts of their government, in its various branches, though pure in principle and impartial in operation, and conformable to their indifpenfible rights of fovereignty, have been affigned as the caufe of

tunate.

the offenfive and injurious measures of the French republic. For proofs of the former, all the acts of the government may be vouched; while the afperfions fo freely uttered by the French minifters, the refufal to hear the ministers of the United States fpecially charged to enter on amicable difcuffions on all the topics of complaint, the decrees of the execu tive directory and of their agents, the depredations on our commerce and the violences against the perfons of our citizens, are evidences of the latter. These injuries and depredations will conftitute an important subject of your difcuffions with the government of the French republic; and for all thefe wrongs you will feek redrefs.

In refpect to the depredations on our commerce, the principal objects will be, to agree on an equitable mode of examining and deciding the claim of our citizens, and the manner and periods of making them compenfation. As to the firft, the seventh article of the British and the twenty-firft of the Spanish treaty, prefent approved precedents to be adopted with France. The propofed mode of adjusting thofe claims, by commiffioners appointed on each fide, is fo perfectly fair, we cannot imagine that it will be refufed. But, when the claims are adjufted, if payment in fpecie cannot be obtained, it may be found neceffary to agree, in behalf of our citizens, that they fhall accept public fecurities, payable with intereft at fuch periods as the state of the French finances fhall

render practicable. Thefe periods you will endeavour as far as poffible to fhorten.

Not only the recent depredations, under colour of the decrees of the dirrectory of the fecond of July, 1796, and the second of March, 1797, or under the decrees of their agents, or the illegal fentences of their tribunals, but all prior ones, not already fatisfactorily adjusted, fhould be put in this equitable train of fettle