increase our burdens, diforganize our government, and disturb the general tranquility of the nation. Hitherto we have confidered the effects of this war as confined folely to America: but they will not stop here; they will have a more general and extenfive range. It may well be recollected, with what anxiety the advocates for republics looked forward to the day when they fhould become the prevailing governments, and with what pleafure they anticipated in them an end to thofe wars and contentions, by which the world had been fo long harraffed, and the peace and harmony which, from them, would enfue to all mankind. Let us not then, without obvious necessity, blast these hopes, fo rationally and fo virtuously formed. With what triumph will the defpot point to these two infant republics, and with what ridicule will he exclaim, "This is the boasted harmony which republics are to create ?" And how will he exult in the contemplation of an alliance, established between one of those boasted republics and a monarchy, for the very purpose of war?

Permit us, gentlemen, after having thus laid freely before you the inconveniences and dangers of a war, with equal freedom to exprefs our warmeft difapprobation of certain measures of government, which have led us into our present gloomy fituation, and which feem to be daily drawing us ftill nearer the precipice. Thefe measures appear to us to be juftified neither by reafon nor neceffity; but can only meet with fupport in that weak temerity, which would ftifle all kinds of negotiation, and hurry us into a war. That our fituation requires measures of internal defence and fecurity, we cannot but acknowledge. Hence, we highly approve of fortifying our coaft, and a proper regulation of the militia. But, under this head, give us leave to fay, that we cannot perceive the neceffity of reforting to the dangerous and expenfive expedient of establishing a

standing army, when the more ufual, and lefs offenfive, method of calling out the militia, taken from the great body of the people, could, we apprehend, have answered every laudable end.

But that our fituation will juftify us in measures of an offenfive nature, is a queftion which still remains to be proved to our mind. And hence we cannot but ftrongly difapprove of thofe late acts, by which our merchantmen are empowered to arm, and our national veffels to make lawful prizes of French veffels, wherever they may be found. For as yet all hopes of negotiation are not loft. By the latest accounts from France our envoys were received; and it is highly probable that a negotiation was going on between them and the di rectory. In this negotiation, the friends of peace, with pleasure forefaw a reconciliation of our differences, and that that friendthip, which had been founfortunately fufpended, would again be established between the two republics. These acts will now irritate the mind of France, as amounting to a declaration of war, put a ftop to the negotiation, and produce the unavoidable confequence of war.

The force of these acts in roufing the French to refentment, will be doubly augmented by the late publication of the difpatches from our envoys-difpatches which contained mere converfations between our envoys and private individuals, no way concerned in the government, wholly unauthorised to act for it-dispatches which could throw no light on the wifhes and intentions of France, or which could give no important infor mation whatever: but which, by libelling its government, and inflaming the nation, may make them more inimical to peace; and by roufing the citizens of this country, make them lefs averse to war. The virulence ufed by the executive of this country in its expreffions, concerning France, in its daily communications, will complete this mournful

proceffion of acts, and will give the finishing ftroke to this melancholy painting.

After expreffing thefe fentiments on the exifting profpect of war, between the two republics, we think proper to obferve, that it is one of the nobleft marks of a free government, for the minority to advance and to endeavour to fupport by reafon and argument their opinions against any propofed measure, which they may fuppofe will be prejudicial to the general welfare and happiness of the community; but always to acquiefce in that measure, when determined on by the fair and legal decifion of a majority. This is all we attempt at prefent. Should the reprefentatives

of the people, exercifing their conftitutional authorities, either declare, or by their acts bring on a commencement of hoftilities, we fhall no longer conceive ourselves juftified in ufing the ftile of remonftrance to our government; but, throwing afide our oppofition to measures which we conceive to have been fo highly improper, we will imitate the glorious example of our predeceffors at William and Mary, in being ready to defend our rights and liberties against foreign invafion.

(Signed)

JOHN B. JOHNSON, Chairman. JOHN TAYLOE LOMAX, Sec'ry.

from the example of barbari-
ty they give, ibid. more fre-
quent in England, than in all
the rest of Europe together,
China, capital punishments rare
in,
Counterfeiting paper money, re-
flections on,

Crime against Nature, punish
ment of,

Counterfeiting the coin, punish-
ment for,

Confolato del Mare, origin of,
Capital ftock of the bank of
England, ftatement of the,
Countryman, (the) his wife,
with her new muff and tippet,
Contrast; or American virtue
and patriotism and French
insolence and villainy disclos-
ed,
Conduct of the French directo-
ry, essay on the,
Catastrophe, No. I, 166; No.
II, 168; No. III, 169; No.
IV, 171; No. V, 172; No.
VI, 174; No. VII, 175;
No. VIII, 177; No. IX,
178; No. X, 181.
Clues of confpiracies discover-

ed by Mr. Harper,

Conftitution of the United

States, remarks upon the,

Convention illegal between Eng-
land and Ruffia,
Chauvelin, M. forced to depart
from France,

Cursory reflections upon the mes-
sage of the French directory,
of the 4th January 1798, con-
cerning the seizure of British
produce and manufactures,
Capture of American provifion
veffels, bound for France, re-
marks on the,

D.

Diftreffes of the American fol-
diery, affecting picture of the,
Debt of England, amount of
the, at various periods, 64, 65
Debt of the British government,
to the bank of England,
amount of the,

66

Effects of flavery,

English conftitution, eulogium
upon the,
Elections, remarks of Mr.
Adams upon,

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