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might, with strict propriety, be called. Mr. Langton was exceedingly surprised when the sage first appeared. He had not received the smallest intimation of his figure, dress, or manner. From perusing his writings, he fancied he should see a decent, well-drest, in short, a remarkably decorous philosopher. Instead of which, down from his bedchamber about noon, came, as newly risen, a huge uncouth figure, with a little dark wig which scarcely covered his head, and his clothes hanging loose about him. But his conversation was so rich, so animated, and so forcible, and his religious and political notions so congenial with those in which Langton had been educated, that he conceived for him that veneration and attachment which he ever preserved. Johnson was not the less ready to love Mr. Langton, for his being of a very ancient family; for I have heard him say, with pleasure, "Langton, Sir, has a grant of free-warren from Henry the Second; and Cardinal Stephen Langton, in King John's reign, was of this family."

Mr. Langton afterwards went to pursue his studies at Trinity College, Oxford, where he formed an acquaintance with his fellow-student, Mr. Topham Beauclerk, who, though their opinions and modes of life were so different, that it seemed utterly improbable that they should at all agree, had so ardent a love of literature, so acute an understanding, such elegance of manners, and so well discerned the excellent qualities of Mr. Langton, a gentleman eminent not only for worth and learning, but for an inexhaustible fund of entertaining conversation, that they became intimate friends.

Johnson, soon after this acquaintance began, passed a considerable time at Oxford. He at first thought it strange that Langton should associate so much with one who had the character of being loose, both in his principles and practice; but, by degrees, he himself was fascinated. Mr. Beauclerk's being of the St. Alban's family, and having, in some particulars, a resemblance to Charles the Second, contributed, in Johnson's imagination, to throw a lustre upon his other qualities; and, in a short time, the moral, pious Johnson, and the gay, dissipated Beauclerk, were companions. "What a coalition! (said Garrick, when he heard of this :) I shall have my old friend to bail out of the Round-house." But I can bear testimony that it was a very agreeable association. Beauclerk was too polite, and valued learning and wit too much, to offend Johnson

1 It is to be wondered that he did not also mention Bishop Langton, a distinguished benefactor to the cathedral of Lichfield, and who also had a grant of free-warren over his patrimonial inheritance, from Edward I.; the relationship might probably be as clearly traced in the one case as in the other. See Harwood's History of Lichfield, p. 139. — CROKER.

2 Topham Beauclerk, only son of Lord Sidney Beauclerk, third son of the first Duke of St. Albans, was born in 1739, and entered Trinity College, Oxford, in November, 1757.CROKER.

by sallies of infidelity or licentiousness; and Johnson delighted in the good qualities of Beauclerk, and hoped to correct the evil. Innumerable were the scenes in which Johnson was amused by these young men. Beauclerk could take more liberty with him than any body with whom I ever saw him; but, on the other hand, Beauclerk was not spared by his respectable companion, when reproof was proper. Beauclerk had such a propensity to satire, that at one time Johnson said to him, "You never open your mouth but with intention to give pain; and you have often given me pain, not from the power of what you said, but from seeing your intention." At another time applying to him, with a slight alteration, a line of Pope, he said, –

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Thy love of folly, and thy scorn of fools ;3— Every thing thou dost shows the one, and every thing thou say'st, the other." At another time he said to him, “Thy body is all vice, and thy mind all virtue." Beauclerk not seeming to relish the compliment, Johnson said, Nay, Sir, Alexander the Great, marching in triumph into Babylon, could not have desired to have had more said to him."

Johnson was some time with Beauclerk at his house at Windsor, where he was entertained with experiments in natural philosophy. One Sunday, when the weather was very fine, Beauclerk enticed him, insensibly, to saunter about all the morning. They went into a churchyard, in the time of divine service, and Johnson laid himself down at his ease upon one of the tomb-stones. "Now, Sir, (said Beauclerk) you are like Hogarth's Idle Apprentice." When Johnson got his pension, Beauclerk said to him, in the humorous phrase of Falstaff, "I hope you'll now purge, and live cleanly, like a gentleman."

One night when Beauclerk and Langton had supped at a tavern in London, and sat till about three in the morning, it came into their heads to go and knock up Johnson, and see if they could prevail on him to join them in a ramble. They rapped violently at the door of his chambers in the Temple, till at last he appeared in his shirt, with his little black wig on the top of his head, instead of a nightcap, and a poker in his hand, imagining, probably, that some ruffians were coming to attack him. When he discovered who they were, and was told their errand, he smiled, and with great goodhumour agreed to their proposal: "What, is it you, you dogs! I'll have a frisk with you."

3" Your taste of follies, and our scorn of fools.

11 Mor. Ep. 276.

4 Perhaps some experiments in electricity, which was, at this time, a fashionable curiosity: it cannot be supposed that the natural philosophy of Mr. Beauclerk's country-house went very deep.- CROKER.

5 Johnson, as Mr. Kemble observes to me, might here have had in his thoughts the words of Sir John Brute (a character which, doubtless, he had seen represented by Garrick), who uses nearly the same expression in "The Provoked Wife," Act iii. sc. 1.- MALONE.

He was soon drest, and they sallied forth together into Covent-Garden, where the greengrocers and fruiterers were beginning to arrange their hampers, just come in from the country. Johnson made some attempts to help them; but the honest gardeners stared so at his figure and manner, and odd interference, that he soon saw his services were not relished. They then repaired to one of the neighbouring taverns, and made a bowl of that liquor called Bishop, which Johnson had always liked': while, in joyous contempt of sleep, from which he had been roused, he repeated the festive lines,

"Short, O short then be thy reign,

And give us to the world again!" ↑ They did not stay long, but walked down to the Thames, took a boat, and rowed to Billingsgate. Beauclerk and Johnson were so well pleased with their amusement, that they resolved to persevere in dissipation for the rest of the day but Langton deserted them, being engaged to breakfast with some young ladies: Johnson scolded him for "leaving his social friends, to go and sit with a set of wretched un-idea'd girls." Garrick, being told of this ramble, said to him smartly, "I heard of your frolic t'other night. You'll be in the Chronicle." Upon which Johnson afterwards observed, "He durst not do such a thing. His wife would not let him!" 3

He entered upon this year, 1753, with his usual piety, as appears from the following prayer, which I transcribed from that part of his diary which he burnt a few days before his death:

“Jan. 1. 1753, N. S.; which I shall use for the

future.

Almighty God, who hast continued my life to this day, grant that, by the assistance of thy Holy Spirit, I may improve the time which thou shalt grant me, to my eternal salvation. Make me to remember, to thy glory, thy judgments and thy mercies. Make me so to consider the loss of my wife, whom thou hast taken from me, that it may dispose me, by thy grace, to lead the residue of my life in thy fear. Grant this, O LORD, for JESUS

CHRIST's sake. Amen."

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by which most of his papers in that collection are distinguished: those, however, which have that signature, and also that of Mysargyrus, were not written by him, but, as I suppose, by Dr. Bathurst. + Indeed, Johnson's energy of thought and richness of language are still more decisive marks than any signature. As a proof of this, my readers, I imagine, will not doubt that No. 39., on Sleep, is his; for it not only has the general texture and colour of his style, but the authors with whom he was peculiarly conversant are readily introduced in it in cursory allusion. The translation of a passage in Statius quoted in that paper, and marked C. B., has been erroneously ascribed to Dr. Bathurst, whose Christian name was Richard. How much this amiable man actually contributed to "The Adventurer," cannot be known. Let me add, that Hawkesworth's imitations of Johnson are sometimes so happy, that it is extremely difficult to distinguish them with certainty, from the composition of his great archetype. Hawkesworth was his closest imitator, a circumstance of which that writer would once have been proud to be told; though, when he had become elated by having risen into some degree of consequence, he, in a conversation with me, had the provoking effrontery6 to say that he was not sensible of it.

Johnson was truly zealous for the success of "The Adventurer;" and very soon after his engaging in it, he wrote the following letter:

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4 See the note on next page as to Johnson's and Bathurst's share in the "Adventurer."

5 This is a slight inaccuracy. The Latin Sapphics translated by C. B. in that paper were written by Cowley, and are in his fourth book on Plants.- MALONE.

The

6 Effrontery is too offensive a term for the occasion. improved style of Dr. Johnson in the Idler might as well be said to be borrowed from the Adventurer, as that of the Adventurer from the Rambler. Johnson and Hawkesworth may have influenced each other, and yet either might say, without effrontery, that he was not conscious of it.-CROKER. 7 Mr. Malone here added a long note, surmising that this author and authoress were Henry Fielding and his sister; but he produces no proof, and seems to admit, that even if they were the persons meant, they never contributed. - CROKER.

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ture they are very desirous to assign to the commentator on Virgil.

"I hope this proposal will not be rejected, and that the next post will bring us your compliance. I speak as one of the fraternity, though I have no part in the paper, beyond now and then a motto; but two of the writers are my particular friends,

and I hope the pleasure of seeing a third united to them, will not be denied to, dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,

"SAM. JOHNSON."

The consequence of this letter was, Dr. Warton's enriching the collection with several admirable essays.

Johnson's saying, "I have no part in the paper, beyond now and then a motto," may seem inconsistent with his being the author of the papers marked T. But he had, at this time, written only one number 2; and besides, even at any after period, he might have used the same expression, considering it as a point of honour not to own them; for Mrs. Williams told me that, 66 as he had given those Essays to Dr. Bathurst, who sold them at two guineas

In this place, though out of order of date, may be given (from Wooll's Life of Warton), Johnson's letter to him on the conclusion of the Adventurer :

JOHNSON TO JOSEPH WARTON.

"8th March, 1754.

"DEAR SIR, I cannot but congratulate you upon the conclusion of a work, in which you have borne so great a part with so much reputation. I immediately determined that your name should be mentioned, but the paper having been some time written, Mr. Hawkesworth, I suppose, did not care to disorder its text, and therefore put your eulogy in a note. He and every other man mentions your papers of criticism with great commendation, though not with greater than they deserve.

"But how little can we venture to exult in any intellectual powers or literary attainments, when we consider the condition of poor Collins! I knew him a few years ago full of hopes and full of projects, versed in many languages, high in fancy, and strong in retention. This busy and forcible mind is now under the government of those who lately would not have been able to comprehend the least and most narrow of its designs. What do you hear of him? are there hopes of his recovery? or is he to pass the remainder of his life in misery and degradation —perhaps with complete consciousness of his calamity?

"You have flattered us, dear Sir, for some time, with hopes of seeing you; when you come you will find your reputation increased, and with it the kindness of those friends who do not envy you; for success always produces either love or hatred. I enter my name among those that love, and love you more and more in proportion as by writing more you are more known; and believe, that as you continue to diffuse among us your integrity and learning, I shall be still with greater esteem and affection, dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, SAM. JOHNSON." CROKER.

2 The Author, I conceive, is here in an error. He bad before stated, that Johnson began to write in "The Adventurer" on April 10th (when No. 45. was published), above a month after the date of his letter to Dr. Warton. The two papers published previously with the signature T. and subscribed MYSARGYRUS (No. 34. and 41.),were written, I believe, by Bonnel Thornton, who contributed also the papers signed A. This information I received several years ago, but do not precisely remember from whom I derived it. I believe, however, my informer was Dr. Warton.

With respect to No. 39., on Sleep, which our author has ascribed to Johnson, even if it were written by him, it would not be inconsistent with his statement to Dr. Warton; for it appeared on March 20th, near a fortnight after the date of Johnson's letter to that gentleman. But on considering it attentively, though the style bears a strong resemblance to that of Johnson, I believe it was written by his friend Dr. Bathurst, and perhaps touched in a few places by Johnson. Mr. Boswell has observed, that "this paper not only has the general texture and colour of his style, but the authors with whom he was peculiarly conversant are readily introduced in it, in cursory allusion." Now the authors

each, he never would own them; nay, he used to say he did not write them: but the fact was, that he dictated them, while Bathurst wrote." I read to him Mrs. Williams's account: he smiled, and said nothing.

by which the productions of one person are thus I am not quite satisfied with the casuistry' passed upon the world for the productions of another. I allow that not only knowledge, but powers and qualities of mind, may be communicated; but the actual effect of individual exertion never can be transferred, with truth, to any other than its own original cause. One person's child may be made the child of another person by adoption, as among the Romans, or by the ancient Jewish mode of a wife having children born to her upon her knees, by her handmaid. But these were children in a different sense from that of nature. It was clearly understood that they were not of the blood of their nominal parents. So in literary children, an author may give the profits and fame of his composition to another man, but cannot make that other the real author. A Highland gentle

mentioned in that paper are Fontenelle, Milton, Ramazzini, Madle. Scuderi, Swift, Homer, Barretier, Statius, Cowley, and Sir Thomas Browne. With many of these, doubtless, Johnson was particularly conversant; but I doubt whether he would have characterised the expression quoted from Swift as elegant; and with the works of Ramazzini it is very improbable that he should have been acquainted. Ramazzini was a celebrated physician, who died at Padua in 1714, at the age of 81; with whose writings Dr. Bathurst may be supposed to have been conversant. So also with respect to Cowley: Johnson, without doubt, had read his Latin poem on plants; but Bathurst's profession probably led him to read it with more attention than his friend had given to it; and Cowley's eulogy on the POPPY would more readily occur to the naturalist and the physician, than to a more general reader. I believe, however, that the last paragraph of the paper on Sleep, in which Sir Thomas Browne is quoted, to show the propriety of prayer, before we lie down to rest, was added by Johnson.- MALONE.

There is a great confusion, and, as it seems, several errors, in Mr. Boswell's and Mr. Malone's accounts of Johnson's share in the Adventurer, but it may be confidently asserted, on the evidence of Hawkins (antè, p. 75. n. 1.), of Dr. Warton, and on Johnson's own confession to Miss Boothby (Letters, p. 48.), that he wrote all those marked with the signature T., of which No. 39. on Sleep is one. The only difficulty is, that on the 8th March he tells Dr. Warton that he had "no part in the paper," one of the letters of Mysargyrus, marked T., having been published on the 3d: but Johnson, whether he gave some of these essays to Dr. Bathurst or not, probably did not consider himself as having, by the writing one letter, a part- that is, a proprietary or responsible part-in the paper; and even if the letters prin. cipally in question had not had the mark T., the pedantic signature Mysargyrus would have been enough to lead us to suspect that they were Johnson's. Almost all the names, whether of men or women, affixed to the letters in the Rambler and Idler are of the same class; and, after all, the letter to Wartou may be misdated. - CROKER.

3 Mr. Boswell's reprehension of this cauistry seems just and candid. A man may undoubtedly sell the works of his mind as well as of his hands, but in neither case can falsehood (which might become fraud) he justified. Dollond would have had a perfect right to present a friend with one of his instruments to be sold to that friend's advantage, but he would not have been justifiable in allowing another maker to use his name. If a publisher had, on the strength of these papers in the Adventurer, offered Dr. Bathurst a large price for a literary work, could Johnson have possibly acquiesced in such a mistake? But after all, it may be doubted that Johnson did give up all his share of the profits of the Adventurer to Dr. Bathurst, who, himself, wrote the papers marked A., for Johnson was at this period in great pecuniary distress-greater, we may suppose, than Bathurst was likely to be in. Mr. Chalmers treats too lightly Dr. Johnson's seeming acquiescence in Mrs. Williams's statement: "Dr. Johnson, says he, "probably smiled to see his friend puzzling himself with a difficulty which a plain question could in a moment have removed." Brit. Ess. vol. xxiii. p. 32. — CROKER.

man, a younger branch of a family, once consulted me if he could not validly purchase the chieftainship of his family, from the chief who was willing to sell it. I told him it was impossible for him to acquire, by purchase, a right to be a different person from what he really was; for that the right cf chieftainship attached to the blood of primogeniture, and, therefore, was incapable of being transferred. I added, that though Esau sold his birthright, or the advantages belonging to it, he still remained the firstborn of his parents; and that whatever agreement a chief might make with any of the clan, the Heralds' Office could not admit of the metamorphosis, or with any decency attest that the younger was the elder: but I did not convince the worthy gentleman.

Johnson's papers in the Adventurer are very similar to those of the Rambler; but, being rather more varied in their subjects', and being mixed with essays by other writers, upon topics more generally attractive than even the most elegant ethical discourses, the sale of the work, at first, was more extensive. Without meaning, however, to depreciate the Adventurer, I must observe, that as the value of the Rambler came, in the progress of time, to be better known, it grew upon the public estimation, and that its sale has far exceeded that of any other periodical papers since the reign of Queen Anne.

In one of the books of his diary I find the following entry:

“Apr. 3. 1753. I began the second vol. of my Dictionary, room being left in the first for Preface, Grammar, and History, none of them yet begun.

"O GOD, who hast hitherto supported me, enable

1 Dr. Johnson lowered and somewhat disguised his style, in writing the Adventurers, in order that his papers might pass for those of Dr. Bathurst, to whom he consigned the profits. This was Hawkesworth's opinion. - BURNEY.

This seems very improbable: it is much more likely that, observing and feeling that a lighter style was better suited to such essays, he, with his natural good sense, fell a little into the easier manner of his colleagues. CROKER.

2 Sir Charles Grandison," which was originally published in successive volumes. This relates to the sixth and seventh volumes. - CROKER.

3 Richardson adopted Johnson's hint; for, in 1755, he published in octavo, "A Collection of the moral and instructive Sentiments, Maxims, Cautions, and Reflections, contained in the Histories of Pamela, Clarissa, and Sir Charles Grandison, digested under proper heads." It is remarkable, that both to this book, and to the first two volumes of Clarissa, is prefixed a Preface by a friend. The "friend," in this latter instance, was the celebrated Dr. Warburton. MALONE.

4 Dr. Warton, in a letter to his brother. 7th June, 1753, says, “I want to see Charlotte Lenox's book;" upon which Mr. Wooll, in his Life of Warton, adds this silly note: "This eminently learned lady translated the Enchiridion of Epictetus, and the Greek theatre of Le Père Brumoy."- Life of W. p. 217. Poor Mrs. Lenox had no claim to the title of "an eminently learned lady." She did not translate Epictetus; and her translation from the French of Brumoy was not published till 1759. It was probably her above-mentioned book on Shakspeare that Dr. Warton was desirous of seeing in 1753.

Mrs. Charlotte Lenox was born in 1720. Her father, Colonel Ramsay, Lieutenant-Governor of New York, sent her over to England at the age of fifteen: but, unfortunately, the relative to whose care she was consigned was either dead or in a state of insanity on Miss Ramsay's arrival. A lady who heard of, and pitied so extraordinary a disappointment, interested Lady Rockingham in the fate of Miss Ramsay; and the result was, that she was received into her ladyship's family, where she remained till she fancied that a gentleman

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JOHNSON TO RICHARDSON. "26th Sept. 1753.

"DEAR SIR, — I return you my sincerest thanks for the volumes of your new work; but it is a kind of tyrannical kindness to give only so much at a time, as makes more longed for; but that will probably be thought, even of the whole, when you have given it.

"I have no objection but to the preface, in which you first mention the letters as fallen by some chance into your hands, and afterwards mention your health as such, that you almost despaired of going through your plan. If you were to require my opinion which part should be changed, I should be inclined to the suppression of that part which seems to disclaim the composition. What is modesty, if it deserts from truth? Of what use is the disguise by which nothing is concealed?

"You must forgive this, because it is meant well. "I thank you once more, dear Sir, for your books; but cannot I prevail this time for an index?

-such I wished, and shall wish, to Clarissa." Suppose that in one volume an accurate index was made to the three works — but while I am writing an objection arises-such an index to the three would look like the preclusion of a fourth, to which I will never contribute; for if I cannot benefit mankind, I hope never to injure them. I am, Sir, your most obliged and most humble servant,

"SAM. JOHNSON."

He this year favoured Mrs. Lenox with a Dedication to the Earl of Orrery, of her "Shakspeare Illustrated.” 4

who visited at the house had become enamoured of her: though she is said to have been very plain in her person. This fancied passion led her into some extravagancies of vanity and jealousy, which terminated her residence with Lady Rockingham. Her moral character, however, was never impeached, and she obtained some countenance and protection from the Duchess of Newcastle; but was chiefly dependent for a livelihood on her own literary exertions. In 1747, she published a volume of poems, and became, probably about that time, known to Mr. Strahan, the printer, in consequence of which she became acquainted with and married a Mr. Lenox, who was in Mr. Strahan's employ, but in what capacity is not known. She next published, in 1751, the novel of Harriot Stuart, in which it is supposed she gave her own history. The Duchess of Newcastle honoured her by standing godmother to her first child, who was called Henrietta Holles, and did her the more substantial benefits of procuring for Mr. Lenox the place of tidewaiter in the Customs, and for herself an apartment in Somerset House. Nothing more is remembered of Mr. Lenox, except that he, at a later period of life, put forward some claim to a Scottish peerage. Lenox lost her apartments by the pulling down of Somerset House; and, in the latter part of her life, was reduced to great distress. Besides her acquaintance with Dr. Johnson (who was always extremely kind to her), and other literary characters, she had the good fortune to become acquainted, at Mr. Strahan's, with the late Right Hon. George Rose, who liberally assisted her in the latter years of her life particularly in her last illness, and was at the expense of her burial in the beginning of January, 1804.- For most of the foregoing details, I am indebted to my friend the Right Hon. Sir George Rose, whose venerable mother still (1831) remembers Mrs. Lenox. Hawkins gives a graphic account of a Johnsonian orgy in honour of Mrs. Lenox.

Mrs.

"Mrs. Lenox, a lady now well known to the literary world, had written a novel, entitled The Life of Harriot Stuart,' which in the spring of 1751 was ready for publication. One evening at the [Ivy Lane] Club. Johnson proposed to us the celebrating the birth of Mrs. Lenox's first literary child, as

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IN 1754 I can trace nothing published by him, except his numbers of the Adventurer, and "The Life of Edward Cave," in the Gentleman's Magazine for February. In biography there can be no questiou that he excelled, beyond all who have attempted that species of composition; upon which, indeed, he set the highest value. To the minute selection of characteristical circumstances', for which the ancients were remarkable, he added a philosophical research, and the most perspicuous and energetic language. Cave was certainly a man of estimable qualities, and was eminently diligent and successful in his own business, which, doubtless, entitled him to respect. But he was peculiarly fortunate in being recorded by Johnson; who, of the narrow life of a printer and publisher, without any digressions or adventitious circumstances, has made an interesting and agreeable narrative. 2

The Dictionary, we may believe, afforded Johnson full occupation this year. As it approached to its conclusion, he probably worked with redoubled vigour, as their exertion and alacrity when they have a seamen increase near prospect of their haven.

Lord Chesterfield, to whom Johnson had paid the high compliment of addressing to his lordship the plan of his Dictionary, had behaved to

he called her book, by a whole night spent in festivity. Upon his mentioning it to me, I told him I had never sat up a whole night in my life; but he continuing to press me, and saying, that I should find great delight in it, I, as did all the rest of our company, consented. The place appointed was the Devil Tavern, and there, about the hour of eight, Mrs. Lenox and her husband, and a lady of her acquaintance, still [1785] living, as also the club, and friends to the number of near twenty, assembled. The supper was elegant, and Johnson had directed that a magnificent hot apple-pie should make a part of it, and this he would have stuck with bay leaves, because, forsooth, Mrs. Lenox was an authoress, and had written verses; and further, he had prepared for her a crown of laurel, with which, but not till he had invoked the Muses by some ceremonies of his own invention, he encircled her brows. The night passed, as must be imagined, in pleasant conversation and harmless mirth, intermingled, at different periods, with the refreshments of coffee and tea. About five, Johnson's face shone with meridian splendour, though his drink had been only lemonade; but the far greater part of the company had deserted the colours of Bacchus, and were with difficulty rallied to partake of a second refreshment of coffee, which was scarcely ended when the day began to dawn. This phenomenon began to put us in mind of our reckoning; but the waiters were all so overcome with sleep, that it was two hours before a bill could be had, and it was not till near eight that the creaking of the street door gave the signal for our departure." - CROKER.

1 This is not Johnson's appropriate praise; and, indeed, his want of attention to details is his greatest, if not his only,

1754.

him in such a manner as to excite his contempt and indignation. The world has been for many years amused with a story confidently told, and as confidently repeated with additional circumstances, that a sudden disgust was taken by Johnson upon occasion of his having been one day kept long in waiting in his lordship's antechamber, for which the reason assigned was, that he had company with him; and that at last, when the door opened, out walked Colley Cibber; and that Johnson was so violently provoked when he found for whom he had been so long excluded, that he went away in a having mentioned this story to George Lord passion, and never would return. I remember Lyttelton, who told me he was very intimate with Lord Chesterfield; and, holding it as a well-known truth, defended Lord Chesterfield by saying, that "Cibber, who had been introduced familiarly by the back-stairs, had probably not been there above ten minutes." may seem strange even to entertain a doubt concerning a story so long and so widely current, and thus implicitly adopted, if not sanctioned, by the authority which I have mentioned; but Johnson himself assured me, that there was not the least foundation for it. 3 He told me, that there never was any particular incident which produced a quarrel his lordship's continued neglect was the reason between Lord Chesterfield and him; but that why he resolved to have no connection with him.

It

publication, Lord Chesterfield, who, it is said, When the Dictionary was upon the eve of had flattered himself with expectations that Johnson would dedicate the work to him, insinuate himself with the sage, conscious, as attempted, in a courtly manner, to soothe and which he had treated its learned author; and it should seem, of the cold indifference with further attempted to conciliate him, by writing two papers in "The World," in recommend

fault, as a biographer. In the whole Life of Savage there is but one date-the birth of Savage and that date is wrong; and no one, from his Life of Cave, would have imagined that Cave (as appears from the same letter, quoted antè, p. 65, n.3.) had been invited to meet the Prince and Princess of Wales, at a country house. Several details and corrections of errors, with which he was furnished for his Lives of the Poets, were wholly neglected. But, in truth, "the minute selection of characteristic circumstances" was neither the style of Johnson, nor the fashion of his day, and Mr. Boswell himself has, more than any other writer, contributed to create the public taste for biographical details. - CROKER.

2 The introductory passage to this Life is, I know not why, omitted in all editions of Johnson's Works. It ought to be restored. See Gent. Mag., vol. 23. p. 55. — CROKER.

3 Hawkins, who lived much with Johnson about this period, attributes the breach between him and Lord Chesterfield to the offence taken by Johnson at being kept waiting during a visit of Cibber's; and Johnson himself, in his celebrated letter, seems to give colour to this latter opinion. He says: "It is seven years since I waited in your outer rooms, or was repulsed from your door " These expressions certainly give colour to "the long current and implicitly adopted story as told by Hawkins, and sanctioned by Lord Lyttelton. all this affair, Johnson's account, as given by Boswell, is inIn volved in inconsistencies, which seem to prove that his pride, or his waywardness, had taken offence at what he afterwards felt, in his own heart, to be no adequate cause of animosity. CROKER.

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