will be an impossibility. If this is denied it will be the ruination of the country. It is impossible to improve the bad condition of our principal staple, sugar, by reducing the American duty onethird. In that way the problem will not be solved at all. The clamor for further reduction will continue. The producer, unreleased from the embarassing conditions which confront him now, would be unable to operate his mills for lack of money or credit to meet the expenses. Some figures will clearly explain that the reduction of one-third of the actual duties is not sufficient to place our sugar on the footing needed to give the growers some benefit. Under the present scarcity of labor, increased taxes and scantier yield from neglected and impoverished fields, the average cost of production may be reckoned as not less than $2.25 a hundred pounds.

Then General Palma went to his desk and compiled the following table to substantiate his argument:

Cost production, per 100 pounds.. Transportation from inland mill to seaboard, including railway freight, wharfage, etc

Freight, Cuba to New York, and marine insurance. 1 per cent. on f. o. b., and landing charges in New York, etc.

Duty (as reduced), two-thirds of 1.685

$225

20

30

112

$3.87 375

.$ 12

Therefore, it is absolutely necessary that the concessions should reach 50 per cent. of the actual duties, so as to give the producer a reasonable gain. The question of reduction for Cuban

products is certainly one of the most important problems that the United States has to deal with, and much depends on its solution.

The language of Grover Cleveland in his letter to Mr. Farquhar on this subject are truthful and forceful and point to our duty so unerringly that it leaves not a shadow of doubt as to the wisdom of granting Cuba the tariff concessions she implores. He says:

The arguments used in opposition to the tariff concessions she implores, based upon our material interests, are fallacious, mistaken and misleading, while their source and the agencies of their propagation and spread cannot fail to be recognized by every honest, patriotic citizen with shame and humiliation.

It seems to me, however, that this subject involves considerations of morality and conscience higher and more commanding than all others.

The obligations arising from these considerations cannot be better or more forcibly defined than was done by President Roosevelt in his message to congress, nor better emphasized than has been done by Secretary Root, and yet congress waits, while we occasionally hear of concessions which rich sugar interests might approve in behalf of trembling Cuba.

I do not believe that nations, any more than individuals, can safely violate the rules of honesty and fair dealing.

Until there is no escape, therefore, I I will not believe that, with all our fine words and lofty professions, our em.brace of Cuba means the contagion of deadly disease.

It has been a matter of much speculation among the noblest specimens of American manhood, why our girls have preferred foreigners for husbands to the brave, intrepid American who is taught to honor every woman as a queen. The popular storm of indignation that arises with each account of cruelty to one of our American women so wed, is evidence of their sympathy and the sincerity of their bitter denunciation of those brutes who know neither honor or loyalty. The disgraceful scandals that have

attended a big majority of the marriages of our American girls with foreigners ought to be enough to open the eyes of our girls. Yet year after year adds new victims to the list and new records of cruelty, unfaithfulness and profligate husbands.

Mrs. John A. Logan has nobly taken up the defence of American manhood and talks to our American girls of their silly notions in a way that ought to inspire patriotism in every heart.

The Chicago American contains a

copyrighted article from her pen which that paper has kindly permitted us to reproduce. Mrs. Logan says:

Is patriotism dying out of the heart of our American young womanhood?

It may be doubted whether a nobler, more intelligent devotion to our country ever animated the young men of America from the days of Washington and Jefferson to the present time. But in the brave days of old the women were as patriotic as the men. The wives, mothers and sisters in the Revolutionary timeyes, the very belles of the day-were spiritedly and self-sacrificingly American. The Spartan women were never truer to Sparta than were American women to America in our struggle for independence.

Our great civil war proved again that the American woman has a power for the cause she espoused, whether her patriotism was sectional or national. One thing is true, both North and Souththe American woman stood by and suffered for the idea of Americanism, and our sisters of the South were as proud of being Americans as were their sisters of the North. Is that spirit dying out?

Not in the South, certainly, where Southern belles are so proud of their Americanism that they will rarely condescend to marry any but sons of the Revolution, and would spurn the idea of marrying foreign Counts for titles that were not won at Bunker Hill or Yorktown.

But how many of our heiresses of the North are soft and un-American enough to deliberately seek foreign matrimonial alliances? It is noble, patriotic and commendable of them that our wealthy young men seem supremely satisfied with our own American girls and marry them. When our young women of fortune turn to the bankrupt heirs of questionable foreign titles and ignore, whether rich or poor, our own purer blooded and more honorable young men, they not only seem to lack the brains and the patriotism of the young men of America, but they invite a criticism of their own fine sense of honor. For an American belle to fall in love with a Frenchman or an Englishman or a Chinaman is no crime, but for a considerable number of our girls to "set their caps" for such a man, and to deliberately, with the aid of a shallow-brained "mamma," work up a match and an alliance of that sort is to disparage American manhood and to hold one's own virtue and honor rather cheap.

Perhaps it will be said, however, "Good riddance to bad rubbish." Some will say: 'Any girl who prefers to marry a foreign title. wear a collar with a

name on it, an hereditary tag, to marrying a true, clean-blooded American, is not worthy to be the wife of an American citizen, or the mother of American sons. But there come occasional epidemics of foolishness and very worthy people become infected with the virus of a silly fad.

No fad was ever more silly, more compromising of the virtue and honor of American womanhood, than the craze of American heiresses to sell themselves or have their "mammas" sell them to foreign families for a title, as an Indian maiden might consent to be sold to a "buck" for a pony.

American girls, believe me, the noblest, purest, most virile manhood in the world is here in this country; be patriotic enoug, intelligent enough to appreciate it, and as loyal as European women are to the men of Europe.

Another puzzling proposition is: Why do the clear-headed, patriotic, enterprising men of America consent to allow their daughters to marry foreigners who, by the accident of birth, are entitled to a title of more or less significance, but who, by their gross immorality and profligate lives have dissipated their inherited fortunes and encumbered their estates with enormous debts, in many cases far exceeding their actual worth? And yet these honest, upright American fathers will redeem these estates and settle incomes upon their daughters to support the pretensions of their reckless sons-in-law without any guarantee that their daughters will receive the faithful devotion of their husbands or ever have any vested rights or claims upon the redeemed estates, unless, forsooth, one of the children may be a male and eventually in the line of inheritance; in which case there are innumerable technical questions that may arise to dislodge the children born of an American mother.

If these noble Americans upon whom the future of this country depends would awaken to the fact that they are contributing to the perpetuity of an aristocracy that have never done anything for any country and who, in their hearts, scorn the men who have carved out their fortunes on this side of the Atlantic, and who have nothing of which to boast except, mayhap, the deeds of some antecedent many times removed from the present bearer of the title, they would manifest a proper parental interest in the real welfare of their daugh

ters.

Foreign women, especially young women, have no titles which they can confer upon American men, or estates which they can settle upon American husbands. The question of matrimonial re. ciprocity cannot be applied to the mar

riage of an English woman to an American man. In the whole question of international marriages the American party to the arrangement is the loser, there being little pleasure in the thought that you have paid a large premium on the overestimated position purchased by honest American money.

We are sometimes very much disgusted to read the patronizing expressions of foreign papers and persons to the effect that the American born Duchess So and So, Countess So and So, Baroness So and So are really very much admired and have won for themselves a place at court by their attractive manners, intelligence, rich costumes and jewels. It goes without saying that any American is the peer of any other woman anywhere, and we are always sorry when she is willing to leave her o 1 country, where she is always a queen to manly American men, who never fail to do homage to their country women.

After so forceful an illustration of the duty of our American girls it is hard to believe that any who have any regard whatever for virtue, loyalty or admiration for American institutions and traditions will suffer herself to walk into

the trap set for their purses, blinded by the empty word "title."

It is hard to understand how American girls embued with true American spirit, can so far forget the tenets of our government as to ignore that basic principle which makes us a free and equal people that principle which provides that "no title of nobility shall be granted by the United States."

We cannot believe that the spirit of patriotism is dying out; that our coming generation of American women, who in themselves afford the greatest inspiration to patriotism in the hearts of Americans, will forget the high place they have occupied for more than a century. We wish that every mother and daughter would be guided by the advice of Mrs. Logan. Her kind words of wisdom are only excelled by her loyalty to her country, and the honor attached to her name will outlive and dim the luster of the brightest crown ever worn on this earth.

It is feared that our members will not awaken to a proper realization of the matters relating to the vital interests of labor until too late. The present Congress has many bills pending affecting, not only our immediate interests as an organization, but which affects our conditions for the future and that of posterity in a degree far more materially than some imagine. If an incentive be needed to dispel the lethargy that binds our members to inactivity it would seem that the present dangers that threaten every man would stir him to action. Our Grand Chief Conductor has been tireless in his efforts to get our members aroused on several vital matters of legislation. The opposition to all of these is strong and unless that interest is shown by those who should have a personal interest in the operation and application of the law, we need not hope for favorable legislation on any of them.

There ought to be an active spirit in every Division in the person of some member who is able to wield an influence for much good. We know that the sentiment of every member is that he wants to see the bills now pending passed by both houses and become a law because he believes that such laws afford the only sure protection against the ills for which they provide; still there are some who are inclined to sit and wait for others to do it. This is a matter, my dear Brother, that others cannot do for you; you must act for yourself and should you fail to do so you will always have the knowledge that you were responsible for the condition you brought upon your family by your own negligence.

You have been taught that as you advance in knowledge your duties corresponding increase and that you are expect .o pri your Brother. While

this is your direct duty, it is equally imperative that you surround your family by every protection in your power, as well. You have been liberally provided with copies of resolutions which are intended to secure this protection which the Grand Chief Conductor in his wisdom has deemed it wise on your part to fill out and forward as directed by him. He would relieve us all from every thought and care in this connection were it possible, but as we have said, it is an individual duty that each member must perform for himself. Your influence need not stop here, either; you can carry it to every person of your acquainance and wield an influence that may be the means of pouring thousands of appeals for your sake to the congressmen from all over the country, enlisting doctors, lawyers, merchants and farmers in your behalf.

These bills are of too vital importance, we say again, to allow them to pass unnoticed or without our hearty support. We trust that the spirit of loyalty, not only to the Grand Chief Conductor who

is working tirelessly in your behalf, but to the Order itself, will manifest itself in that degree that every member will arise as one man to support the lines indicated by our Grand Chief Conductor. Remember you are not performing a personal favor upon any person except yourself directly; but the influence for the good in general of such legislation as he invites you to support will redound to the good of all your brethren.

The special circular of the Grand Chief Conductor, under date of February 21, 1902, includes two bills which he calls to your attention and concludes with an advice which if followed must secure favorable legislation on these. Elsewhere we have spoken editorially on another important subject which needs the co-operation of every member to insure its success. We trust that our members will feel the full responsibility resting upon them and consider no effort too great that is possible for them to make toward securing favorable legislation on the pending bills.

The question of immigration in this country has become one of such moment that no wage earner can find a reasonable excuse for not exercising his entire influence toward securing laws to protect himself and his children from the influx of illiterates now pouring in from foreign countries. The Chinese exclusion bill aims to restrict immigration of one race from which we have most to fear. There are other races whose presence among us is already being felt by the conditions they are inviting. It is these conditions that we fear and appeal to Congress for protection.

The letter from William E. Curtis in the Chicago Record-Herald describing the manner of living and the characteristics of the Italian fills us with abomination for such conditions. We hold them in abomination because they do

not afford to these people the privilege of living as human beings should live; because it keeps them in ignorance and vice, and because it extends from generation to generation in its deteriorating effects, growing worse with each succeeding generation. We do not wish to shut out all foreigners, but we have no room for the refuse of other nations nor are we running a reformatory for their moral degenerates.

President Roosevelt, in his message to Congress, said: “We need every honest and efficient immigrant fitted to become an American citizen; every immigrant who comes here to stay, who brings a strong body, a stout heart, a good head and a resolute purpose to do his duty well in every way, and to bring up his children as law-abiding, Godfearing members of this community.”

While we do not know what the President had in mind relating to those qualifications that would constitute an "efficient" immigrant in his opinion, we do not believe that he meant any of that class which is too ignorant to understand those conditions of living which we as American workmen strive to maintain. For this reason we advocate an educational test, the stronger the better, as a condition of admission to this country or to citizenship.

For the Chinese immigrant there is no room in the United States and it is the individual duty of every man who earns the bread he eats by the sweat of his brow to see to it that every pressure is brought to bear upon Congress that the act which expires on the 5th of May next is re-enacted and with an amendment providing for complete exclusion.

In this connection we reproduce as worthy of the most careful consideration on the part of every person the following circular letter issued by the Assistant Secretary of Immigration Restriction League, which in itself will constitute the groundwork for an appeal to every congressman if written over the signature of the person sending same.

It is of the highest importance, for many reasons, that the Chinese exclusion law be not allowed to lapse. The Chinese immigrant is alien to our civilization and to our moral code. He does not assimilate with our people. He does not spend his earnings here. He comes here only to get a little money and carry it back to his own land.

The question of Chinese immigration is primarily, however, a question of cheap labor. Many as are the reasons for excluding the Chinaman from our shores, the greatest reason is that his habits of life enable him to subsist on a trifle, and that because he is ready to subsist on little, he is ready to work for little. If he is permitted, without restriction, to compete with the American workman, the American workman must be reduced to the Chinese level of wages and of living.

The Chinese question is only one aspect of the question of cheap labor. Already a stream of Western Asiatics is beginning to flow through our Atlantic ports. This is the beginning of a flood which will swell, as the flood of Chinese immigration swelled, until it will overwhelm us, if measures are not taken to check it.

But Asiatic immigration is not the only immigration of cheap labor which the American workman needs to fear. From Southern and Eastern Europe there is already coming a flood of immigrants who are offering their labor at such prices that they are crowding Americans, both native and naturalized, out of one after another of their fields of work. Every increase of the number of competitors for jobs makes it easier for employers to reduce wages and to lengthen hours; and when the new competitors are accustomed to live on half what those who have held the jobs require, the old workmen must come down to their level or walk the streets.

When the hard times came in 1893 the stream of immigrants fell off; but as soon as times began to improve, foreigners came in increasing numbers to take advantage of the improvement. They have kept our own workmen from getting the benefit they ought to have got from increasing industrial activity. The reports of the census of 1900, so far as they have been issued, show that while the average product of the labor of our people in manufacturing industries is a quarter larger, for each workman, than it was in 1890, the part which comes to the workmen themselves-the average wage-has hardly increased.

If wages are to be maintained at their present level in this country, not to speak of raising them, and if the hours of labor are to be shortened, some means must be found for checking the stream of immigration, and particularly the immigration of cheap labor. Only one practical means seems to be open to us; to provide that no immigrant shall come here who cannot read.

The greater part of the illiterate immigrants come from countries where labor is cheap. Their competition is, therefore, especially injurious to American workmen. The immigration of Italians alone has increased from 78,730, in the year ending June 30, 1899, to 137,807 in the year ending June 30, 1901. Of the Italians that came in the latter year,61,615 could not read. If we had had an educational test for immigrants, the number of cheap laborers from Italy alone, who came to compete for American jobs, would have been diminished in that single year by some 60,000.

The following table gives the number of immigrants during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1901, of the most important races; the number of persons over fourteen years of age; the number of such persons who could neither read nor write, or could read but not write, their own language; and the number of these illiterates in each 100 immigrants over fourteen years of age.