those he loved-where were they? what would become of them? Then in a madness that comes at such times he started again for the east-for home, riding the trucks of a passenger train-riding there beside the churning, clashing, fire-streaked wheels-riding there in the thousand contending currents of air, in a storm of dust, while light and ease and comfort were not two feet overhead. Then an accident-an unknown mana truck rider-without any card of identification, lay for weeks in a city hospital. Reports in the papers of his death. The final recovery, and then with the stamps given him by the institution writes to Chicago-no answer-other letters to his wife's mother-no answer. Finally work,-and now returning to find, if possible, the wife and child of earlier years-only to hear the sad tale from the lips of his boy.

More than once did Hy swallow at that hurt in his throat, look out of the win dow, up against the night, and wipe away the tears. For a moment only after finishing his story Malen lost control of himself, then going back into the coach where the children were, still surrounded by many wondering passengers, he crowded into the seat, took a child in each arm, raised them to his knees, kissed them and thanked God that the lost were found.

In surprise the passengers looked from one to another-some thought of

cigars unsmoked and quickly passed to the smoker-some seemed to be seized with a fit of coughing or sneezing-others did much swallowing at the catch in the throat, or brushed away a tear.

Malen for a long time was not disturbed, but, with a child still on each knee, drank in their prattle that was as water to a thirst-stricken soul; traced out the lines of his wife's face in that of Jean, and looked deep into the eyes of both children-so much like those of their mother. Making arrangements with the sleeping-car porter, a berth was made ready, and the little travelers were put in a softer, warmer nest than their poor little bodies had known in many a day.

The story of Jean and Bob had spread from one end of the train to the othereverybody knew of it-and after the little ones were asleep, strange hands kindly brought and gently placed in and about their berths, presents-Christmas presents meant for other little ones miles away-till the place seemed like a crowded corner in the express car.

As the passengers left the train they would shake Malen's hand and in trembling voices wish him a Merry Christmas and pass away into the night to tell by their own fireside the story of Jean and Bob and Curly, and the joy there comes in true giving-such giving as was done on that Christmas eve on the Night Express.

*

er claims brought about by this change of sentiment, the demand has been made that the government purchase and operate the steam railways of the United States. It is the popular idea that by government ownership all the evils of the present system will be done away

districts and to build up new towns; they must be constantly on the alert to increase and extend their work, having an eye to the increased production of goods as well as their distribution. Any enlargement or contraction of railroad facilities must involve the employment of much time and money and labor. It is unnecessary to point out that the theory of charges which is in use in the government mail service would soon bankrupt every railroad in the country.

"Even at present it is complained that political evils are apparent in the Postoffice department in spite of civil service reform, and these evils would certainly be much greater in a transportation system conducted by the government. It is said that one-twelfth of the male population of the country is employed in connection with the railroads, and to have all these offices at the disposal of the political party in power would not assist the independence of American voters.

Another argument advanced in support of this scheme is that the costly law suits which occur between different roads would be avoided by government ownership. This claim has no strength because under a common ownership no law suits could arise, for the government would be the only authority. The claim that investors could no longer be victimized is also weak, for the government would be both investor and manager, and the public would have no opportunity to make or lose money.

It is frequently stated that because Prussia and Belgium have succeeded with their state railways the United States could hardly fail. The authors of such claims apparently do not realize the difference between the European forms of government and our own, and between the railroad problems here and there. Prussia has about 14,000 miles of railroad, while the United States has over 200,000 miles; they have about 90,000 employes, while we have nearly a million. The combined area in Prussia and Belgium is 145,800 square miles, and that of the United States is 3,602,990. The Prussian railways were constructed

under government supervision, and there are practically no competing lines, while ours were built independently and competing and parallel lines are numerous. In Europe the countries are fully developed and practically no new lines are being constructed, while here new roads are being constantly laid to build up new sections of country. It must be remembered, also, that German civil service has reached a state of high perfection, and that the government there is executive rather than legislative. In this country our civil service is far from perfect, and ours is a parliamentary and legislative government. These are only a few of the differences which must be taken into account before conclusions can be arrived at, and when all these things are carefully considered one must realize that the operation of our roads by political machinery would bring about far more disastrous evils than exist at present.

State ownership in European countries has been by no means as successful as some persons would have us believe. In Belgium the government purchased every rival line which competed with a state railway and thus put an end to competition, which was perfectly healthful and proper. It is proved by statistics that there has been a lowering of profits on the Belgian railways without a corresponding decrease in rates, and there has been a serious manipulation of accounts in order to make a favorable showing for the government. Any person who has traveled by rail in Belgium knows that the accommodation is not what it should be, and the people do not hesitate to declare that the evils are directly attributable to the connection of the railways with the government.

President Hadley, of Yale, in his "Railroad Transportation; Its History and Its Laws," states that Italy has tried private management of roads, mixed ownership; also exclusive state ownership. Not satisfied, the government appointed a parliamentary commission to investigate the matter and report facts to enable the government to find the best policy for it to pursue in

reference to its roads. The commission reported that Italy should get rid of its roads at once and charter private companies to manage them. They claimed that state management had proved more costly than private management; that political dangers were very great, and that the state was prone to tax industry and not to foster it.

Under government ownership of American railroads there would be a stop to competition, and undoubtedly charges would be raised. The fact that unrestricted competition has been employed in the conduct of American lines is responsible for some of the gravest evils of our present system. The freedom of each road to make its rate sheets at will renders our charges unreasonable and unsteady at present, but it is right that there should be a certain amount of competition in order to keep rates at a proper level. The statement that our railroads at present are making exorbitant profits is not borne out by facts, and freight rates here are lower than anywhere else in the world. The present charges are not so unfair after all. Short-sighted policies which destroy the business life of a community are recognized as hostile to the interests of the roads themselves, and are not adopted except in case of a destructive competition. A railroad thrives as its patrons prosper, and a company must seek to build up the communities which it

serves.

American rail carriers sell transportation at lower prices and move freight at less cost per mile than the rail carriers of any other nation. The profit per unit of traffic, where any is found, is less than in any other country. But we have reached a level below which it is not possible to get even to a moderate extent in cost of carriage and consequently in cost of transportation unless the prices paid for labor throughout the land are materially reduced. The rails, ties, bridges, roadway, buildings, equipment and transportation expenses are all mainly labor in one form or another. The difference in value between the ore in the ground and the steel rail in the track is mostly labor. The difference in

value between between the coal in the earth and in the locomotive furnace is largely labor. So we see that labor cannot remain unaffected if transportation prices are to be materially reduced for maintenance and operation expenditures must fall proportionately and labor constitutes by far the greater part of them, either directly, or in an indirect manner, as already indicated. The situation is confessedly a grave one. It is entitled to broad and statesmanlike consideration, for on the one hand are millions of workmen whose interests may be injured and on the other vast investments of capital which may be affected disastrously, In truth, the latter contingency carries with it direct and immediate injury to the great army of American workingmen.

But the situation does not receive broad and statesmanlike consideration throughout the land. The gravity of it is not realized. The far-reaching and depressing effects of even a continuation of present transportation conditions are not generally admitted. Facts as to this are not understood, or if understood are misstated. Demagogues acquire temporary prominence and political preferment by indiscriminately assailing the carriers, misleading still farther the public mind and building up with great force public prejudice, and, I suppose, this will continue until it is comprehended that the vital interests of great masses of voters are jeopardized. Then these same demagogues, or their counterparts will espouse the cause of these voters for their own aggrandizement; will defend the corporate employers they now attack and insist that their ability to pay fair wages shall not be impaired. The working classes of the country, the mass of laboring, struggling, thinking voters will, in time, demand that the capital which affords employment to them, which pays them their wages, which maintains scales of wages higher than are paid in any other country, shall not be shorn of its ability to properly repay them for their toil. The fact will be clearly perceived that the wages of one million railway employes are more stable, less subject to