"Tis of the wave and not the rock; "Tis but the flapping of the sail, And not a rent made by the gale! In spite of rock and tempest roar, In spite of false lights on the shore, Sail on, nor fear to breast the sea! Our hearts, our hopes, are all with thee, Our hearts, our hopes, our prayers, our tears, A Place in thy Memory. By Mrs. L. H. De Kroyft. New York: sold by all Booksellers. The preface to this volume explains the mournful reasons for its publication. In one brief month the author, an interesting young lady, was bride, widow, and blind, and with this almost unparalleled sorrow came the necessity of providing for her support by her own labor. With Christian resignation and firm resolve, Mrs. De Kroyft set her The next gem we select is one that all the read-self to the task, and this volume, the preface to ers of Longfellow will read with a ready assent of which is an exceedingly graceful and touching "the spirit and the understanding:" THE SINGERS. God sent his Singers upon earth The first, a youth, with soul of fire, The second, with a bearded face, And those who heard the Singers three But the great Master said, "I see To charm, to strengthen, and to teach. "These are the three great chords of might, And he whose ear is tuned aright, Will hear no discord in the three, composition, is the result. The reading of the volume will bring tears to the eyes; yet will they scarcely be tears of sorrow for the author, but of joy, chastened by sympathy; joy that one so young and so afflicted can yet be glad and cheerful on her pilgrimages, and joy also that a lady of pleasing exterior, alone and blind, can travel by night or day, not safely only, but meeting everywhere the kindest and most delicate attention. Her book is full of the reminiscences, always well expressed, of individual kindness, and occasionally her full heart overflows in such general acknowledgments as the following:: N. B. A lady never writes a letter without a postscript. I forgot to tell you that my journey home cost me nothing. Captains, railroad conductors, all, instead of presenting their bills, inquired how they could best serve me, where I would stop, &c. Ought not even the blind to be joyous and happy in a land so kind, so free, as ours? We bespeak for this volume, upon which an amiable lady, as we judge from her delightful book and a brief interview, depends for her support, a universal circulation.-Com. Adv. Mrs. Kirkland's "New Home, Who 'll Follow," has made its appearance in a fourth edition, just issued by C. S. Francis, of this city, illustrated with some extremely good designs by Darley. There is nothing better of its kind in modern liter We close the book with one more specimen of its ature than this description of western manners. contemplative and soul-awakening beauty :— SUSPIRIA. Take them, O Death! and bear away Take them, O great Eternity! Our little life is but a gust, And trails its blossoms in the dust! To say that the work is from the house of TICKNOR, REED AND FIELDS, of Boston, is to praise it to the limit of such phrases as we are masters of. They are the Aldenses of the poets. Whatever is peculiar in those manners, whether of a comic or serious nature, is drawn with the freest, boldest, and most rapid strokes, without elaboration and without caricature. It is exactly as if one were admitted to the author's confidence, and heard her, in unreserved conversation, relating anecdotes of the people by whom she was surrounded during her sojourn in one of the new settlements of the west. This great charm of the book, which prevents it from tiring the reader after repeated perusals, and makes its wit and humor appear always fresh, may have been owing in part to the sense of freedom given by writing anonymously, and without the expectation of being, what its author at last found she could not help, famous in the world of letters. Whatever may be the cause, it is one of the most delightful books of this century, and we hope will live to go through many more editions.-N. Y. Eve. Post. POETRY.-The Magnetic Telegraph, 112.-Bereavement; The Mountain Pass, 133.-The Morning Visit, by Dr. Holmes, 141. SHORT ARTICLES.-A World Lost, 112.-Dr. Thomas Dick, 128.-New Books, 141. PROSPECTUS. This work is conducted in the spirit of | Littell's Museum of Foreign Literature, (which was favorably received by the public for twenty years,) but as it is twice as large, and appears so often, we not only give spirit and freshness to it by many things which were excluded by a month's delay, but while thus extending our Scope and gathering a greater and more attractive variety, are able so to increase the solid and substantial part of our literary, historical, and political harvest, as fully to satisfy the wants of the American reader. The elaborate and stately Essays of the Edinburgh, Quarterly, and other Reviews; and Blackwood's noble criticisms on Poetry, his keen political Commentaries, highly wrought Tales, and vivid descriptions of rural and mountain Scenery; and the contributions to Literature, History, and Common Life, by the sagacious Spectator, the sparkling Examiner, the judicious Athenæum, the busy and industrious Literary Gazette, the sensible and comprehensive Britannia, the sober and respectable Christian Observer; these are intermixed with the Military and Naval reminiscences of the United Service, and with the best articles of the Dublin University, New Monthly, Fraser's, Tait's, Ainsworth's, Hood's, and Sporting Magazines, and of Chambers' admirable Journal. We do not consider it beneath our dignity to borrow wit and wisdom from Punch; and, when we think it good enough, make se of the thunder of The Times. We shall increase our variety by importations from the continent of Europe, and From the new growth of the British colonies. The steamship has brought Europe, Asia and Africa, into our neighborhood; and will greatly multiply our connections, as Merchants, Traveliers, and Politicians, with all parts of the world; so that much more than ever it now becomes every intelligent American to be informed of the condition and changes of foreign countries. And this not only because of their nearer connection with ourselves, but because the nations seem to be hastening, through a rapid process of change, to some new state of things, which the merely political prophet cannot compute or foresee. Geographical Discoveries, the progress of Colonization, (which is extending over the whole world,) and Voyages and Travels, will be favorite matter for our selections; and, in general, we shall systematically and very fully acquaint our readers with the great department of Foreign affairs, without entirely neglecting our own. While we aspire to make the Living Age desirable to all who wish to keep themselves informed of the rapid progress of the movement--to Statesmen, Divines, Lawyers, and Physicians-to men of business and men of leisure-it is still a stronger object to make it attractive and useful to their Wives and Children. We believe that we can thus do some good in our day and generation; and hope to make the work indispensable in every well-informed family. We say indispensable, because in this day of cheap literature it is not possible to guard against the influx of what is bad in taste and vicious in morals, in any other way than by furnishing a sufficient supply of a healthy character. The mental and moral appetite must be gratified. We hope that, by "winnowing the wheat from the chaff," by providing abundantly for the imagination, and by a large collection of Biography, Voyages and Travels, History, and more solid matter, we may produce a work which shall be popular, while at the same time it will aspire to raise the standard of public taste. tion of this work--and for doing this a liberal commission will be allowed to gentlemen who will interest themselves in the business. And we will gladly correspond on this subject with any agent who will send us undoubted refer TERMS.-The LIVING AGE IS published every Satur- Agencies. We are desirous of making arrangements day, by E. LITTELL & Co., corner of Tremont and Brom-in all parts of North America, for increasing the circulafield sts., Boston; Price 12 cents a number, or six dollars A year in advance. Remittances for any period will be thankfully received and promptly attended to. To insure regularity in mailing the work, orders should be addressed to the office of publication, as above. Clubs, paying a year in advance, will be supplied as follows: ences. Postage. When sent with the cover on, the Living Age consists of three sheets, and is rated as a pamphle at 4 cents. But when sent without the cover, it comes within the definition of a newspaper given in the law, and cannot legally be charged with more than newspaper postage, (14 cts.) We add the definition alluded to: A newspaper is "any printed publication, issued in numbers, consisting of not more than two sheets, and published at short, stated intervals of not more than one month, conveying intelligence of passing events." Monthly parts.-For such as prefer it in that form, the Living Age is put up in monthly parts, containing four or five weekly numbers. In this shape it shows to great advantage in comparison with other works, containing in each part double the matter of any of the quarterlies. But we recommend the weekly numbers, as fresher and fuller of life. Postage on the monthly parts is about 14 cents. The volumes are published quarterly, each volume containing as much matter as a quarterly review gives in eighteen months. WASHINGTON, 27 Dec., 1848. Or all the Periodical Journals devoted to literature and science which abound in Europe and in this country, tiris has appeared to me to be the most useful. It contains indeed the exposition only of the current literature of the English language, but this by its immense extent and comprehension includes a portraiture of the human mind in the utmost expansion of the present age. J. Q. ADAMS. LITTELL'S LIVING AGE.-No. 297.-26 JANUARY, 1850. From the Examiner, of 1 Dec. GERMAN UNITY. Double, double toil and trouble; the German people for representative government, and that of satisfying in some way or other their craving for unity. But the recognition of this latter necessity has begotten another-that of uniting under the supremTHE incongruous materials stirred by the weird acy of one power. And hence the curious struggle sisters of Macbeth had scarcely less apparent affinnow going on among the three contending dynasties. ity than the antagonistic elements which are to We say three, for, independent of the two great compose the broth of German unity. powers, Prussia and Austria, the advantages of Political necessities, popular aspirations, dynas-whose now undisguised rivalry were so well pointed tic rivalries, personal impracticabilities, national jealousies, material interests, religious prejudices, all are seething in the vasty cauldron; and with the witches one is inclined in mockery to sing, Black spirits and white, You that mingle may. Thoroughly to unravel the tangled web of German politics would be a difficult task for a German; for an Englishman it is a hopeless one. But by taking some of its principal threads singly, we may perhaps succeed, if not for our readers at least for ourselves, in freeing it somewhat from the apparently inextricable confusion into which it has at present fallen. Depressed as the public mind in Germany, worn out with its late violent emotions, undoubtedly isindeed in somewhat unworthy, if not unnatural, despondency at not having at once realized all its vague aspirations; and complete as, on the other hand, appears the triumph of military reäction, the necessity of maintaining at least the semblance of free institutions is recognized by the most absolutely inclined of its governments. out in a recent able article in the Daily News, a more modest pretender is now slipping almost unobserved into the field. Bavaria-which, when Austria was temporarily crippled by its Italian and Hungarian difficulties, put forward its fidelity to that power as an excuse for not consenting to any combination exclusive of it-now that Austria has not only reentered the lists but quietly divided with Prussia the temporary Suzerainté of Germany, is endeavoring to inveigle Saxony,Wurtemberg, and some of the larger small states into a league, with the avowed object of counterbalancing the influence of both Austria and Prussia, but with the more real one of keeping the imperial chair open for its own small future chances. This budding pretension, however, is but a negative one, and worthy of notice rather for its powers of hindrance than for its chances of success. Merely keeping it in view, then, we will confine our attention to the two greater and more positive rivalries, as entwining with them most of the threads we are trying to unravel. And, in using the terms Prussia or Austria in this case, we of course speak merely of their dynasties and the governments identified with them, not of their populations, whose interests or whose prejudices may occasionally be flattered by either party, but who are in reality being played for rather than with! And, what is a far more remarkable evidence of the power of the popular will, although the endeavors of the Frankfort Parliament after unity not only failed, but its whole proceedings have been covered with not altogether unmerited ridicule, yet Prussia has in its favor-its being a more among the many counter-projects now bandied purely German state-the lead it has long taken about among the governments, not one supposes in social and political progress—the influence so the possibility of a return to the loose confedera- skilfully acquired by the establishment of the tion of 1815,-this, too, with the desire for unity Zollverein-the superiority of its administration, much less equally felt among the German popu--the excellence of its army-the comparatively lations, if not much less generally so. For the good state of its finances, the strong desire of the Prussian, the Austrian, and possibly even the Bavarian, has a certain amount of pride of country purely as such, and may, with many great advantages, lose somewhat on the score of individual national dignity in becoming merely a German; whereas the Hanoverian, the Swabian, and the man of Baden has not much to lose, the third part of a Hessian and the fifth part of a Saxon everything to win. Here, then, we see recognized, even by the German governments themselves, two great necessities—that of yielding to the desire of VOL. XXIV. 10 CCXCVII. LIVING AGE. populations of the smaller states to be incorporated with it-and the preference for its supremacy entertained by those of the larger. The Protestantisin of the north is for, the Catholicism of the south against it. The material interests of Germany are pretty evenly balanced for and against it. If it is to carry with it those of the north, it must decide for a liberal tariff, and then it disaffects the (supposed) manufacturing interests of the south; not only of Southern Bavaria, but of Baden, Wurtemberg, and Northern Bavaria, the political sympathies of which are in its favor. minister, Schmerling, the interests of even the But of these, again. Baden is already militarily southern portions of the Zollverein must remain to incorporated with it by the occupation of Prussian a great degree opposed to it. troops; and with its approaching possession of Hohenzollern it will have secured a position in the rear of its most decided opponent. Against it are ranged all the petty provincial rather than national jealousies of the separate populations, and the active intrigues of the lesser courts, which, if recognizing perhaps the necessity for the supremacy of one or other power, see that that of Prussia would involve their virtual mediatization, while that of Austria, hampered as it must be by its internal difficulties, would leave them a longer spell of comparative independence. Between the two powers external influence is pretty equally divided. If Russian and French policy, big with the dread of a strong united Germany, sides with Austria, jealousy of Austrian obligations, if not political subjection to Russia, tells with Germany in favor of Prussia. And if our government maintains a dignified impartiality in the question, the bustling sympathies of its small Pumpernichel diplomatic agents are warmly enlisted against every scheme which may endanger the existence of their twaddlesome nothingness. While on the surface the intrigues and counterintrigues, projects and counter-projects, biddings and counter-biddings, of the German governments beneath that surface the GERMAN PEOPLE, having pretty clearly indicated what they mean to have, are quietly deciding how they mean to have it. But more against Prussia than any other circumstance is the character of the extraordinary jumble of human contradictions who personifies are thus crossing each other in every direction, its ambition. In the mind of Frederick William ambitious desires and conscientious scruples, personal courage and mutability of purpose, asceticism and joviality, bigotry and free thought, the divine right of kings and the political rights of men, alike find place. The lower classes, always more easily to be excited for a moment in favor of violent subversive theories, than to be enlisted in the persevering prosecution of practical reforms, have fallen into a state of indifference, out of which they will probably only be roused by another revolution. The middle and the thinking classes, however—those who make the opinion of a country-if somewhat calmed down from their late exaggerated notions, are gradually banding themselves into three great With intelligence to read the necessities of his time, but without the wisdom to bow to them; with the desire for extended sway, but without the will to pay its price; of too much weight to be passed over in any combination, yet too unstable not to insure its failure; he is at once the despair of Prussia and of Germany. He would be Emperor of Germany; but to be that he must | political parties. be content to be a bona fide constitutional monarch; and stronger than his dynastic ambition is his love of direct personal government. Now this, with Russian and Austrian countenance, he believes that he yet may exercise in Prussia for a while. Constitutional government has been accorded there, it is true; but for the moment it rests only upon his royal word. What is the value of that word in a mind so constituted let others say. Austria has in its favor-a far more decided will, if not in its head, in its councils-its great military power, though this is more apparent than real-the religious prejudices of the south-as we have seen, the active sympathies of the German courts-possibly old associations, certainly the moral vis inertia of Germany, and all its illiberal tendencies;-but its main strength lies in the difficulties of Prussia. The Democratic party, the opinions of which may be considered to be represented by the writings of Vogt, is directing all its endeavors to the immediate propagation of republican opinions in the separate states, with the view of uniting them, when so republicanized, in one great central democratic republic, and meanwhile to the impeding of every scheme tending to the immediate unity of Germany without these conditions. The Constitutional or Small-German party, which has its tactics directed by a committee elected at Gotha, and presided over by Gagern, has two immediate definite aims-the maintenance of constitutional monarchy in the separate German States; and the close confederation of those states, with a central general representation of both their governments and populations, under the hereditary supremacy of the Prussian crown. And this to Against it is the small proportion borne by its the exclusion of even the German provinces of German population to its other heterogeneous ele- Austria, which it would leave to reestablish, if it ments; its decided inferiority in general civiliza-be possible, their ascendency over the other Austion to the rest of Germany; the great uncertainty trian possessions, and if not, to be received later attending its own fate, for with its non-German into the more strictly German League. provinces it is an empire in itself, without them but a minor German state;—the requirements of liberal Germany, only to be satisfied by the estab-sections, is opposed to any federation of Germany lishment of a central general representation of the people, which Austria refuses-indeed, as now constituted, cannot consent to; and, to a greater or less degree, the material interests of the whole of Germany, for, in spite of the bait of gradually to be assimilated import duties thrown out by its The Austro-German, sometimes called the GreatGerman party, the third and last of these political exclusive of Austria; but has as yet brought forward no feasible scheme for the maintenance of the connection, which it respectfully leaves to the Austrian government to propose for its support. But this last is rather a negative party, being chiefly composed of the opponents, secret or de clared, of both unity and free institutions. Of the other two, the Small-German, or Constitutional, is by far the most numerous, and for the moment we believe gaining ground. It must be recollected, however, that in the event of commotion the democratic must always command to a greater degree the support of the masses; and in the mean while it possesses a powerful ally in the King of Prussia, whose reign is one continued protest against constitutional monarchy. into hostile collision with Prussia in such circumstances, it must go to pieces in the shock! As for positive hostilities, then, even with Prince Schwartzenberg at the head of Austrian affairs, we believe them to be out of the question. Should the Prussian cabinet, in defiance of Austria, persist in the convocation of the Erfurt Assembly, (as yet the day has merely been named for the elections,) it will in all probability be hurried into the formation of a league of the Northern States; Thus we have separated a few of the threads, and in this case we very much doubt whether Ausbut the web is tangled as before. With such conflicting elements at work, such numberless considerations to be taken into account, such chances to be allowed for, it would be bold indeed to prognosticate the result. As for the governments, nothing practicable or permanent is to be hoped from them; and the experience of the last eighteen months would not lead us to expect anything much more so from the deliberations of the Germans themselves. Of the views, however, entertained by the three parties we have tried to define, those of the Small-German are perhaps the most practical, and certainly the most deserving of English sympathy. By the consolidation of Northern and Western Germany into a compact constitutional bond, represented in the European system by Prussia, the balance of European power would scarcely be affected, the relative position of Prussia and Austria being rather defined than altered. England, we are inclined to think, would find a natural and useful ally in Central Europe, against absolute aggression on the one hand, and revolutionary violence on the other; and better guarantees would thus exist for peace, than in the continuance of a confusion provocative of both. Since the above was in type very important intelligence has arrived from Germany. If that intelligence is to be relied upon, the Austrian cabinet has forwarded to Berlin a diplomatic note, protesting against the pursuance of the Prussian scheme for the formation of a separate league of the German States; and the cabinet of Berlin is deliberating upon the formal answer to be sent to that note, having already virtually responded, however, by fixing the day for the elections for the Erfurt Assembly. We cannot but look upon this move on the part of the Austrian government rather as an attempt to intimidate Prussia, than as indicating a serious intention to provoke a decisive struggle. tria will not be obliged passively to submit. But between the day of the elections for the Erfurt Assembly and its convocation is-the King of Prussia. TURKEY. Constantinople, Nov. 25. It is the general opinion here in well-informed circles that the difference existing between Turkey and Russia is as far removed from a settlement as ever. The present object of the Emperor Nicholas seems to be solely to gain time, to keep matters in suspense till the return of spring, when he will throw off the mask, and put his long meditated plans for the invasion of Turkey into execution. Many things lead one to this conclusion. The instructions received from his government by M. de Titoff for demanding the expulsion of the Polish refugees were so vague and so open to dif ferent interpretations, that it was as difficult for the Russian envoy to communicate them clearly to the Porte as it was for the Porte to give a precise answer. This indistinctness was evidently intentional on the part of the czar, and its object was of course understood by his representative at Constantinople. The Porte could not understand, nor would M. de Titoff explain to them, whether the Emperor Nicholas demanded the expulsion of all Polish refugees resident in Turkey since 1830, or whether he asked for the expulsion of those who sought an asylum here after the late insurrection in Hungary. The Turkish government admit that the treaty of Kutchuk Kaimardji gives Russia a right to demand the expulsion of the last named refugees, and to that demand they are therefore willing to consent; but the Porte refuses to expel those Poles who took up their residence in Turkey previous to the late Hungarian insurrection. The Turkish ministers, in their note to M. de Titoff, said that from the vagueness of the emperor's demand it was impossible to understand the precise meaning, but that they had given an answer according to what they supposed might be its purport. M. de Titoff affected to be equally perplexed with the Turkish An appeal to arms on the part of the Austrian cabinet would rally the whole of the population of the rest of Germany to a man to the cause of Prussia, and in all probability seriously 'disaffect the population of its own German provinces. As for Hungary, by the as impolitic as barbarous atroc-government, and said he had no other alternative ities of Haynau, it has been disaffected for all time; and even under the comparatively milder rule of Radetzki, it has been found advisable in Lombardy to withdraw the civil administration from Milan to the protection of the fortress of Verona. An army of 500,000 men, and martial law, barely suffice to hold the Austrian empire together now. Brought than to transmit their reply to St. Petersburg and wait for further instructions. Diplomatic relations of course continue suspended between Turkey and the allied imperial powers. No communication can be received from Russia in answer to the note of the Porte till the middle of the next month. Nor will it then be difficult to find fresh obstacles |