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The Diary and Letters of Gouverneur Morris. Edited by Anne Cary Morris. 2 vols. (Kegan Paul, Trench & Co.)

GOUVERNEUR MORRIS was one of the ablest among the founders of the North American Republic. He had a happy knack of rhyming, he wrote well, and he was an excellent speaker. He was a member of

the Constitutional Convention which framed

the existing Constitution of the United

States. Later in life he was one of the

Senators for New York in Congress. He was on intimate terms with Washington, whom he greatly resembled in appearance, and who, when President, entrusted him with a secret mission to England. He succeeded Jefferson as American minister to France in 1792, and was recalled in 1794.

In May, 1780, he was thrown out of his carriage in Philadelphia, and the injury to his left leg was such as to necessitate amputation. A friend who called upon him after the operation gave him good advice, pointing

out how much better a man he would be,

and how much less tempted to indulge in dissipation with one leg only. He took the advice in good part, and was so much impressed by it as to reply: "My good sir, you argue the matter so handsomely, and point out so clearly the advantages of being without legs, that I am almost tempted to part with the other." To another sympathetic friend he said: "Sir, the loss is much less than you imagine; I shall doubtless be a steadier man with one leg than with two." On one occasion, at all events, he found that the loss of a leg was an advantage. When the Parisian mob was most dangerous, and when any one who was well dressed and rode in a carriage

was liable first to be denounced as an

aristocrat and next to lose his life, he thrust his wooden leg out of the carriage window and shouted, by way of response to the yells against him as an aristocrat, "An aristocrat! Yes, one who lost his leg in the cause of American liberty." Thus his wooden leg and his presence of mind

saved his life.

He had a fine estate called Morrisania,

which he purchased from his brother, and he had other sources of income when he left America for Europe. He had served as Under-Secretary to the Treasury for three

years and a half, when his namesake, but
no relation, Robert Morris was Secretary.
Under Robert Morris's skilful guidance the
credit of the United States was restored,
and the finances placed upon a sound basis.
Mr. George Bancroft writes bitter things of
him because he was an Englishman by birth;
and his services to his adopted country did
not avail to hinder him from dying in
beggary. It was to conduct some financial
operations and liquidate the debt due to
France by the United States that Gouver-
neur Morris sailed from Philadelphia in
the ship Henrietta, passing the Capes of
Delaware on the 18th of December, 1788, and
landing at Havre on the 27th of January,

1789.

Before proceeding to give an account of his experiences in France during the most agitated period of that country's history, we must express our regret that the introductory paragraphs which the editor, Miss Morris, has written are so meagre. It is true that Gouverneur Morris is a well-known personage in American history, yet his name is now more familiar than his performances, and a still fuller sketch of his career before crossing the Atlantic would have formed a useful introduction to these volumes.

He carried with him several letters of introduction from Washington, and he was also entrusted with several commissions, one being to buy a gold watch for him-a watch which was not to be "a small, trifling nor a finical, ornamental one, but a watch well executed in point of workmanship, large, flat, and with a plain handsome key." To get this watch was his first care, and he applied to Jefferson, who was then United States minister at Versailles, to recommend him a good watchmaker, saying in a letter to Washington that the man who had supplied a watch to Madison was a rogue. He was recommended to a man called Romilly. He went on to tell Washington:

"But as it might happen that this also was a rogue, I inquired at a very honest man's shop, not a watchmaker, and he recommended Gregson. A gentleman with me assured me that Gregson was a rogue, and both of them agreed that Romilly is of the old school, and he and his watches out of fashion. And to say that of a man in Paris is like saying he is an ordinary man among the friends of Philadelphia. I found at last that M. L'Épine is at the head of his profession here, and, in consequence, asks more for his work than anybody else. I therefore waited on M. L'Épine and agreed with him for two watches exactly alike, one of which will be for you and the other for me."

When Gouverneur Morris arrived in France, one of the topics of the day was the insanity of George III. It is curious to learn from the letter to Washington in which he refers to it what were the notions current at the time, and the passage may be

quoted, not because it contains what is

absolutely authentic, but because the state-
ments received sufficient credence to be
deemed worthy of transmission to America:
"By the bye, in the melancholy situation to
which the poor King of England has been re-
duced, there were, I am told (in relation to you),
some whimsical circumstances. His first outset
was to seize Mr. Pitt by the collar and with out-

rageous language addressed to the Rebel General,
nearly strangled him before he could get
help. Afterwards the Defender of the Faith, in
one of his caprices, conceived himself to be no
less a personage than George Washington at the

head of the American Army. This shows that you have done something or other which sticks most terribly in his stomach. And the Prince of Wales I am told intends (no doubt from filial piety and respect) to be very good friends with the country and the man who have turned his father's head."

Six years later Gouverneur Morris was presented to George III. by Lord Grenville, when, as he records in his diary, the King spoke as follows, after having conversed about French politics :

""Pray, Mr. Morris, what part of America are you from?' 'I am from near New York, sir. I have a brother who has the honour to be a Lieutenant-General in your majesty's service. 'Ah, what! you're a

brother of General Morris? Yes, I think I see a likeness, but you 're much younger.' 'Yes, sir.' 'Well, how does your brother do? He's at Plymouth, isn't he?' 'Yes, sir."

This was not the only occasion upon which Gouverneur Morris saw the King, and his opinion of him, formed from personal observation, is much more favourable than that of other witnesses. It is given in a letter written in 1805 to John Penn, M.P., to whom Miss Morris puts the prefix of "Honourable," under the impression that in England, as in America, a member of the lower house of the Legislature must have a title. After replying to questions about the Penn family in America, he writes :

"I am glad that a personal acquaintance has enabled you to know the justice of that favourable opinion which I had formed and expressed of your royal family. The King is not only a well-bred gentleman, but (if I am able to form an opinion from conversations, not infrequent, at his Levée) a man of much valuable information and sound sense. He is, moreover, religiously attached to his duty, and perfectly well knows what is required from a King and from a British King."

Beforenoticing Gouverneur Morris's career in France, it may be appropriate to put together his references to the king and queen of that country, in whose fate he took a great interest, and of whom he would not have said anything which he did not believe to be true. We make this qualification because we think that he may have been misinformed as to some matters, though we have no reason to suspect that he would record scandal for the mere love of so doing. Much of his testimony is corroborated by the statements in Horace Walpole's letters, and Walpole was kept well informed of the inner history of the French royal family. Writing to Washington at the beginning of August, 1789, he says:

"You may rely on what I am about to mention, but which I pray you not to disclose. It is known to very few in this country, and may perhaps (as it ought) be buried in oblivion. The King has actually formed the design of going

off to Spain. Whether the measures set on foot

to dissuade him will have, as I hope, the desired effect, time only can discover. His fears govern him absolutely, and they have of late been most strongly excited. He is a well-meaning man, but extremely weak, and probably these circumstances will in every event secure him from personal injury. An able man would not have fallen into his situation, but I think that no ability can now extricate him. He must float

along on the current of events, being absolutely a cypher. If, however, he should fly, be easy to predict the consequences, for this

country is at present as near to anarchy as society can approach without dissolution."

Writing in his diary on the 11th of October, 1789, Morris mentions a circumstance of which we do not remember to have seen a notice elsewhere:

"This morning the King's dentist fell dead at his feet. The poor King exclaimed that he was devoted to experience every kind of misfortune. He had, however, presence of mind enough to desire Vicq d'Azyr, the physician, to go and break the matter gently to the Queen, who was not well and might suffer from such a shock."

coming his dignity. Mounting the scaffold, he expressed anew his forgiveness of those who persecuted him, and a prayer that his deluded people might be benefited by his death. On the scaffold he attempted to speak, but the commanding officer Santerre ordered the drums to beat. The King made two unavailing efforts, but with the same bad success. The executioners threw him down, and were in such haste as to let fall the axe before his neck was properly placed, so that he was mangled. It would be needless to give you an affecting narrative of

In a letter written to Washington in particulars. I proceed to what is more imporJanuary, 1790, Morris says:

"The King is in effect a prisoner at Paris, and obeys entirely the National Assembly. This Assembly may be divided into three parts. One, called the aristocrats, consists of the high clergy, the members of the law (not lawyers), and such of the nobility as think they ought to form a separate order; another, which has no name, but which consists of all sorts of people, really

friends to a free government. The third is composed of what are called here the enragés, that is, the madmen. These are the most numerous, and are of that class which in America is known by the name of pettifogging lawyers, together with a host of curates, and many of those who, in all revolutions, throng to the standard of

change because they are not well. This party, that circumstance very great authority. They have already unhinged everything...... If the reigning Prince were not the small-beer character he is, there can be but little doubt that, watching events and making tolerable use of them, he would regain his authority; but what will you have from a creature who, situated as he is, eats and drinks and sleeps well, and laughs and is as merry a grig as lives? The idea that they will give him some money when he can economize, and that he will have no trouble in governing, contents him entirely. Poorman, he little thinks how unstable is his situation. He is beloved, but it is not with the sort of love which a monarch should inspire; it is that kind of good-natured pity which one feels for a led captive. There is, besides, no possibility of

in close alliance with the populace, derives

serving him, for at the slightest show of opposi

tion he gives up everything and every person."

Morris writes in his diary on the 14th of July, 1791 :

"In the Assembly the republican party have treated the King very harshly, but the report

which insists on his inviolability will pass.

de Trudaine mentioned as having heard from young Montmorin that the King is by nature cruel and base. An instance of his cruelty, among others, is that he used to spit and roast live cats. In riding with Madame de Flahaut, I tell her that I could not believe such things. She tells me that when young he was guilty of such things; that he is very brutal and nasty, which she attributes chiefly to his bad education. His brutality once led him so far, while Dauphin, as to beat his wife, for which he was exiled four days by his grandfather Louis XV. Until very lately he used always to spit in his hand, as being more convenient. It is no wonder that such a beast should be dethroned."

to the

In a letter to Jefferson, written on the 10th of July, 1792, Morris thus refers National Assembly :

"On Saturday, the 7th, a farce was acted in the Assembly, in which the principal performers played well their parts, the King was duped according to custom, and things are verging fast to the catastrophe of the play."

Writing to him on the 25th of January, 1793, Morris describes the last scene of all, which he may have witnessed, though he does not expressly say so :

"The late King of this country has been publicly executed. He died in a manner be

tant, having but a few minutes to write in by the present good opportunity. The greatest care was taken to prevent a concourse of people. This proves a conviction that the majority was not favourable to that severe measure. In fact,

the great mass of the people mourned the fate of their unhappy prince. I have seen grief, such as for the untimely death of a beloved parent. Everything solemnity which is awfully distressing."

wears

an appearance of

Morris's references to Marie Antoinette are not many, and are sometimes very uncomplimentary. Writing of Madame Necker's salon on the 25th of October, 1789, he says: "See for the first time since I arrived in Europe Count Fersen, whose merit consists in being the Queen's lover." On the 4th of July, 1791, after the King and Queen had been arrested in their attempt to leave France, he writes that "Vicq d'Azyr [the Queen's physician] says that the Queen's hair is turned grey by her late adventures." On the 18th of October, 1793, he wrote to Washington as follows: "The Queen was executed the day before yesterday. Insulted during her trial and reviled in her last moments, she behaved with dignity throughout. This execution will, I think, give to future hostilities a deeper dye and unite more intimately the Allied Powers."

When Gouverneur Morris visited France for the first time, his country had not been independent in the eyes of international jurists for more than five years, and yet he was treated with the exceptional consideration which his countrymen now receive, when their country is upwards of a century old. Indeed, he was a greater curiosity than any American is who visits Paris at the present

time. What struck him most was the condition of Paris itself. The streets were ill lit and ill paved; those who could not afford to ride in carriages were obliged to dress in black, with black stockings, and this became the dress of those members of the Third Estate who ended by sending most of the first to the scaffold. The foot passengers stood in terror of the vehicles, which bore down upon them as cabs do now in Paris, and often succeeded in killing them. As an illustration of what Morris experienced, and also as a specimen of the many verses which occur in this work, which have no pretension to be regarded as poetry, yet are fair trials of skill, the following may be given. The verses are headed 'Paris':

"Seigneur," replies the poor cocher,
"Moi, humbly I your pardon pray.
Had I supposed a horse lay there
I would have taken better care.
But by St. Jacques declare I can

I thought 'twas nothing but a man!"

Morris's account of the first meeting of the States-General is well worth reading. He reached Versailles early on the 5th of May, and entered the great hall in the palace a little after eight :

"I sit there in a cramped situation till after

a

twelve, during which time the different members are brought in and placed, one 'bailliage' after the other. When M. Necker comes in he is loudly and repeatedly clapped, and so is the Duke of Orleans; also a Bishop who has long lived in his diocese, and practised there what his profession enjoins. Another Bishop, who preached yesterday sermon which I did not hear, is applauded, but those near me say that this applause is unmerited. An old man who refused to dress in the costume prescribed for the Tiers, and who appears in his farmer's habit, receives a long and loud plaudit. M. de Mirabeau is hissed, though not loudly. The King at length arrives, and takes his seat; the Queen on his left, two steps lower than him. He makes a short speech, very proper, and well spoken or rather read. The tone and manner have all the fierté which can be expected or desired from the blood of the Bourbons. He is interrupted in the reading by acclamations so warm and of such lively affection that the tears start from my eyes in spite of myself. The Queen weeps or seems to weep, but no one voice is raised to wish her well. I would certainly raise my voice if I were a Frenchman; but I have no right to express a sentiment, and in vain solicit those who are near me to do it. After the King has spoken he takes off his hat, and when he puts it on again his nobles imitate his example. Some of the Tiers do the same, but by degrees they take them off again. The King then takes off his hat. The Queen seems to think it wrong, and a conversation seems to pass in which the King tells her he chooses to

spoker

do it whether consistent or not consistent with the ceremonial; but I could not swear to this, being too far distant to see very distinctly, much less to hear. The nobles uncover by degrees, so that if the ceremonial requires three manœuvres, the troops are not yet properly drilled." The Keeper of the Seals made a speech, and Necker then read his report:

"It contains much information and some things very fine, but it is too long, and has many repetitions and too much compliment, and what the French call emphase. The plaudits were loud, long, and incessant...... After the speech is over the King rises to depart, and receives a long and affecting Vive le roi. The Queen rises, and to my great satisfaction she hears for the first time in several months the sound of Vive la Reine. She makes a low courtesy, and this produces

a

courtesy." louder exclamation, and that a lower

Morris did not cherish any illusions about the Revolution. He wrote before the meeting of the States-General to the Marthen amquis de la Luzerne, who bassador at the Court of St. James's :

was

"I hear as much politics among the ladies of Paris as ever you did among those of Philadelphia. Republicanism is absolutely a moral influenza, from which neither titles, places, nor even the diadem can guard their possessor.

A coachman driving furious on,
For here, to fly is quite the ton,
Thro' the thick vapours of the night,
Sees by a glimmering lamp's dim light,
Some creature struggling in the street,
Which soon beneath his horses feet
Is trod, and there in anguish feels
The crushing of the chariot wheels.
"Villain!" exclaims the aged Count,
"Stop! ho! the guard; bougez, dismount.
The law, pardieu, shall have its course."
(Au commissaire.) "He has killed my horse." I want an American constitution, with the excep-

He told Lafayette that he was "opposed to
democracy from regard to liberty." In July,
1789, he said in a letter to Mr. Carmichael:-
"Our American example has done them
good, but, like all novelties, Liberty runs away
with their discretion, if they they have any. They

tion of a king instead of a president, without reflecting that they have not American citizens to support that constitution."

On the 3rd of December, 1792, he wrote to Thomas Pinckney :

"I have seen the worship of many idols, and but little of the true God; I have seen many of those idols broken, and some of them beaten to dust. I have seen the late Constitution, in one short year, admired as a stupendous monument of human wisdom and ridiculed as an egregious production of folly and vice. I wish much, very much, the happiness of this inconstant people. I love them. I feel grateful for their efforts in our cause, and I consider the establishment of a good constitution here as a principal means, under Divine Providence, of extending the blessings of freedom to the many millions of my fellow-men who groan in bondage on the Continent of Europe. But I do not greatly indulge the flattering illusions of hope, because I do not yet perceive that reformation of morals without which Liberty is but an empty

sound."

As one who watched the Revolution from day to day and who was in official relations with one of the governments which tyrannized France, Morris has much to tell that has not been told before. He saw Madame de Staël when she first appeared in Parisian society, and Talleyrand when he was still a bishop and aspiring to become a minister of State. Of the former he writes:

"Madame de Staël seems to be a woman of sense and somewhat masculine in her character, but has very much the appearance of a chamber

maid."

Of the latter that

" he appears to be a sly, cunning, ambitious, and malicious man. I know not why conclusions so disadvantageous to him are formed in my mind, but so it is, and I cannot help it."

He saw several eminent Englishmen, and he says something about them which is worth reading. He liked many things in England, and praised several, Salisbury Cathedral being the building which pleased him above all the others. But he did not like the people. He writes:

"I respect the English nation highly, and love many individuals among them, but I do not love their manners. They are perhaps too pure, but they are certainly too cold for my

taste."

He tells something about Berlin and Vienna as well as France and London, and a curious entry is to the effect that when at Berlin

"I go to the Baron de Münchausen's to hear him play on the harmonica, which he assured me last evening that he excelled in, and convinces me this morning that he was mistaken."

We shall close our extracts from these volumes-which, though full of valuable matter, are not light reading-with an account of the last moments of the privateer Paul Jones, who, as we learn from these pages, was afflicted with the infirmity of stammering. This account was written to Robert Morris at the end of May, 1793:

"I drew the heads of Paul Jones's will, poor fellow, the day he died, and when his extremities were nearly cold. I called on him in the afternoon, with M. Vicq d'Azyr, first physician to the Queen, and he was then a corpse. It was somewhat singular that he, who detested the French Revolution and all those concerned in it, should have been followed to the grave by a deputation of the National Assembly, and that I should have had in one of your gazettes some very severe reflections on me for not paying him

due respect; I, who during his life had rendered
him all possible service and possessed his con-
fidence to the last, so that he wished to name
me with you for executor. But such is the world,
whose mistakes frequently amuse me, and on
more serious occasions."

The Works of Dr. Thomas Campion. Edited
by A. H. Bullen. (Nimmo.)

IN publishing this reprint of the works of
Dr. Thomas Campion (no connexion of the
Jesuit of that name) Mr. Bullen has in-
creased the debt already owed him by all
lovers of English literature for his selections
of 'Lyrics from Elizabethan Song-Books.'
The preface of each of those charming miscel-
lanies contained allusions to the doctor's ex-
cellence as a poet, and the praise thus bestowed
upon him is abundantly justified on a perusal
of the contents of the present volume, where
for the first time his various writings are
collected. The result is a delightful medley,
of great value to the student, and of no little
interest to the general reader. Besides
several books of Latin and English verse of
a high order of merit, we have here four
admirable specimens of Campion's skill as
a deviser of masques, and an important
treatise on the art of English poetry, the
whole forming a remarkable monument of
that extra-professional activity by which,
like the author of Religio Medici,' he
earned his real reputation. In one respect
only is the reprint incomplete-Mr. Bullen
having thought it advisable, for reasons of
space, to omit the versatile physician's
Dissertation on Counterpoint,' which (as |
he informs us) was regarded as a standard
work in the seventeenth century, and was
thus frequently republished.

The volume opens with an admirable
summary of what is known of Campion's
life and work, the materials for a memoir
being, however, as Mr. Bullen admits, singu-
larly scanty. The first mention of him as a
poet appears to be in Peele's 'Honour of
the Garter,' published in 1593, although at
that date he was known only through the
circulation of his verses in private hands.
He made his literary début in 1595, with a
collection of Latin epigrams in the style of
Martial-a book so rare that, in Mr. Bullen's
words, "nobody at the present day seems to
have seen it." At the same early period of
his career were probably written the Latin
elegies, in which the influence of Propertius
and Tibullus is strongly apparent, and
which first appeared in the complete edition
of his Latin poems issued shortly before his
death.

In 1601 he broke fresh ground as an English poet with his charming 'Book of Airs,' the contents of which, "made at his vacant hours," had already seen the halflight of friendly portfolios, and enjoyed the dangerous sort of circulation "whereby they grew both public, and, as coin cracked in exchange, corrupted." The music to these "ear-pleasing rhymes without art" was furnished partly by himself and partly by one Philip Rosseter, described on the title-page as a lutenist, whose house stood in "Fleetstreete," near the "Grayhound." The poems, as Mr. Bullen affirms (relying probably on internal evidence, for Rosseter, in his dedication to Sir Thomas Monson, appears to claim half of them as his own), were all by Campion, as was also the un

signed address to the reader. One specimen
of these exquisite lyrics must here suffice:-

When to her lute Corinna sings
Her voice revives the leaden strings,
And doth in highest notes appear
As any challenged Echo clear;

But when she doth of mourning speak,
E'en with her sighs the strings do break.

And as her lute doth live or die,
Led by her passion, so must I!
For when of pleasure she doth sing,
My thoughts enjoy a sudden spring;
But if she doth of sorrow speak,

E'en from my heart the strings do break.

The Observations in the Art of English Poesy' were published in 1602. This treatise is chiefly interesting as showing the tendency, prevalent among the poets at that time, towards metrical experiments in imitation of classical verse, and a discontinuance of the "vulgar and unartificial custom of rhyming." It contains several more or less ingenious examples of what Campion calls "numerous poetry" in various iambic and trochaic metres, but they do not cause the reader to regret the failure of this illadvised crusade, in which, as everybody knows, even Spenser himself took part. Daniel's 'Defence of Rhyme' speedily appeared, the short-lived craze came to an end, and soon after the discharge of this brutum fulmen Campion himself, to the pleasure and profit of posterity, was "rhyming" again.

The first of the four masques comprised in the present volume, which was performed at Whitehall in January, 1606/7, on the occasion of the marriage of Sir James Hay (subsequently created Baron Hay of Sawley and Earl of Carlisle) with the daughter and heiress of Lord Denny, is set out with great fulness of detail as regards both its music and stage management. The lyrical interludes and dialogues are most gracefully turned, and the splendour of the costumes (which are also minutely described) must have rendered it a notable spectacle. It was followed in 1613 by a group of three more, the first composed for the wedding of the Princess Elizabeth with the Count Palatine (known as the 'Lords' Masque'); the second for an entertainment given by Lord Knowles (Knollys) to the queen when on her way to Bath, at Caversham House, near Reading; and the third for the ill-starred nuptials of the notorious Carr, Earl of Somerset, and the equally notorious Lady Frances Howard. The Caversham masque is, perhaps, the most interesting of the three to the modern reader, as it contains an elaborate account of the pageants presented to her Majesty out of doors in the approaches to the mansion, as well as the masque proper, which took place after supper in the dining-hall. One cannot but regret that this agreeable style of entertainment has gone out of fashion. What a cheerful variety would be lent to the lawn-tennis party of to-day by the introduction between the setts of a "fantastic Traveller in a silken suit of strange checkerwork, made up after the Italian cut," holding sweet converse with a "Cynic drest in a skin-coat with bases of green calico"! Or how the heart of the dejected guest would leap up when he beheld the sudden entrance, from a retired arbour, of a "Gardener in a pair of great slops and buttoned gamachios, a strawn hat upon his head, piebaldly drest with

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degenerate days.

Campion's muse, meanwhile, had received a new stimulus from the untimely death of Prince Henry, in November, 1612, which was fraught with such bitter consequences to the reigning family and the nation at large. Among the numerous other poets who expressed their courtly, but genuine regret at the loss of so friendly a patron, the literary doctor came forward with a set of Songs of Mourning,' which, though written (so to speak) "to order," and upon a single theme, are vigorous in character, and by no means unworthy of their parentage. They are addressed to the king and queen, Prince Charles, his sister and her fiancé, the Count Palatine, Great Britain, and the world; and an elegy upon the deceased prince is prefixed to the entire series, which itself contains several powerful lines, but like most panegyrics upon royal personages is couched in somewhat exaggerated language. The poems possess a special interest just now, when every one has been to see the admirable exhibition of Stuart relics at the New Gallery, and is familiar with the features of that unlucky race, as there displayed, from James III. to "Cardinal York." Of Prince Henry there are no fewer than six portraits in oil, besides several miniatures and engraved likenesses, and the impression they convey is undeniably pleasing.

a few

In 1613 or thereabouts Campion, to use his own expression, "enfranchised" more of the songs which had already been for some considerable time in manuscript. The collection, like its predecessor of 1601, was divided into two parts, one entitled 'Divine and Moral Songs,' and the other

ginning "To music bent is my retired mind," "Lo, when back mine eye, Pilgrimlike, I cast," and "Awake, awake, thou heavy sprite," would certainly put to shame the laboured and frigid productions of most modern hymn-writers. We like him better, however, in his more mundane dress. "I have chiefly aimed," he says, "to couple my words and notes lovingly together," and in his amorous poetry he has unquestionably succeeded in his attempt. Its spontaneous charm and the simplicity of its cadences render it admirably suited for musical utterance-in striking contrast, as has been recently pointed out by Mr. J. A. Symonds in a general comparison of Elizabethan and Victorian verse, with the more complex structure and far-fetched imagery affected by the poets of the nineteenth century. How easy and melodious, for instance, is this description of the delights surrounding his lady-love!

Where she her sacred bower adorns

The rivers clearly flow;
The groves and meadows swell with flowers,
The winds all gently blow.
Her sun-like beauty shines so fair,

Her spring can never fade:

Who then can blame the life that strives
To harbour in her shade?

Her grace I sought, her love I wooed,
Her love thought to obtain ;
No time, no toil, no vow, no faith,
Her wished grace can gain.

Yet truth can tell my heart is hers,
And her will I adore;

And from that love when I depart
Let heaven view me no more!

Campion's next collection of English verse, the Third and Fourth Books of

،

Airs,' appeared about four years later than the 'Divine Songs' and 'Light Conceits. The date (for it is undated) is fixed by that of the release of Sir Thomas Monson from the Tower, where he had been confined for than a year on a charge in connexion

'Light Conceits of Lovers,' for the juxta with the murder of Sir Thomas Overbury,

position of which their author thus humorously apologizes :

That holy hymns with lovers' cares are knit
Both in one quire here, thou mayst think 't unfit.
Why dost not blame the Stationer as well
Who in the same shop sets all sorts to sell ?
Divine with styles profane, grave shelved with vain,
And some matched worse. Yet none of him com-

plain.

Mr. Bullen observes in his preface that the excellence of the devotional poetry contained in the first part of this volume has never been properly recognized, and claims for Campion a special meed of praise in that "to fine religious exaltation he joined the true lyrical faculty." To ourselves, we must confess, this eulogy seems a little overstrained, for his work in this kind is surely not unfrequently rough and unpleasing. The opening lines of his metrical version of Psalm cxxxvii., for example, are graceful and flowing enough :

As by the streams of Babylon
Far from our native soil we sat,
Sweet Sion, thee we thought upon,
And every thought a tear begat.

But later on we come upon the following verse, which is awkward and involved both in style and expression :

Is then the song of our God fit
To be profaned in foreign land?
O Salem, thee when I forget,

Forget his skill may my right hand!

He is happier, no doubt, when not adapting but creating, and the poems be

and his subsequent pardon by the Govern-
ment in February, 1617-an event com-
memorated by the poet in his dedicatory
epistle to this lifelong patron and friend.
These two books contain some of his best
work, and one is lost in admiration at the
marvellous facility displayed both in rhyme
and metre, and at the abundant wealth of
genuine melody, seductive indeed, but
never cloying. "Shall I come, sweet love,
to thee?" "Love me or not, love her I
must or die," "O never to be moved,"
and several more that might be cited, seem
to us real masterpieces in their way. We
prefer, however, to give an example of
Campion's lighter style, in which the shrewd
physician is amusingly apparent :-
common sense of the experienced family

Never love unless you can
Bear with all the faults of man:
Men will sometimes jealous be,
Though but little cause they see;
And hang the head, as discontent,
And speak what straight they will repent.

Men that but one saint adore,
Make a show of love to more:
Beauty must be scorned in none,
Though but truly served in one:
For what is courtship, but disguise?
True hearts may have dissembling eyes.
Men when their affairs require
Must awhile themselves retire:
Sometimes hunt, and sometimes hawk,
And not ever sit and talk.
If these, and such like you can bear,
Then like and love, and never fear !

In 1619, only a few months before his death, the poet issued a complete edition of his Latin verse, comprising (as above stated) his early epigrams and elegies, to the former of which large additions were made, and a curious piece in hexameters, entitled 'Umbra.' The epigrams are of very various merit; but many have a literary interest, such as those addressed to Lord Bacon, William Percy, and the brothers Mychelburne, while the sly thrusts aimed at the unfortunate Barnabe Barnes and other rival versifiers are amusing enough, as witness the following (quoted in Mr. Bullen's introduction) upon Nicholas Breton :

Carmine defunctum, Breto, caute inducis Amorem; Nam numeris nunquam viveret ille tuis.

No metre comes amiss to Campion, and his sportive fancy adorns all he touches,

even when his themes are most trivial. The

hendecasyllables congratulating Edward Mychelburne on his love for rural retirement are admirably neat, beginningPrudenter facis, ut mihi videtur, Et sentis, Edoarde, qui optumum te Longe pessima ab urbe sevocasti, Vix anno ter eam, aut quater revisens.

There are few scholars at the present day who could frolic so idiomatically, and emit such sparkling Latinity with an ease so engaging.

The good doctor did not long survive his latest offspring, his funeral taking place at St. Dunstan's in the West on March 1st, 1619/20. His birthplace seems to be unknown, and we have no information as to the details either of his Cambridge career, or of his early dalliance with law at Gray's Inn, although some might surely be discovered by diligent search. But, thanks to Mr. Bullen, he has now had a chance given him of asserting his undoubted claim to an honourable place upon the famous roll of Elizabethan poets.

The Official Progress of the First Duke of Beaufort through Wales in 1684. By Photo-lithography from the Original MS. of Thomas Dineley. (Blades, East & Blades.)

IT is a serious misfortune for the Principality that no one has yet been found to write critically and comprehensively the story of its national existence. The efforts at a continuous history have been marred by narrowness of view and absence of the critical spirit. There are a few monographs,

notable among them being Mr. Philips's

'Civil War in Wales,' which furnish an accurate and a fairly exhaustive treatment of the special periods with which they deal. But among the neglected studies may be placed the history of that anomalous Court of Council which was established by Edward IV. at Ludlow, and is generally known as the Council of the Welsh Marches. The great mass of its records have been carefully preserved, and although they have hitherto remained comparatively unexplored, they most probably contain valuable data for an interesting chapter on the history of the Welsh border. With the extension of the shire system into the Principality, the jurisdiction and the administrative influence of the Council diminished in importance, and in the Civil War it was practically abolished. After the Restoration it was re-established,

and in 1684 the first Duke of Beaufort, as its Lord President, made a progress through Wales, a faithful record of which has been handed down to us in the present MS. by Thomas Dineley, or Dingley, a member of the duke's escort. Dineley does not inform us of the object of the progress, but as the loyalty of the Welsh to the house of Stuart, so manifest in the time of Charles I., began to show symptoms of waning in the latter years of Charles II., it is probable that the progress was intended to revive the royal influence in Wales, and to strengthen the Crown in its conflict with the Whigs. By enforcing the surrender of municipal charters, the representation of several boroughs in England fell into the hands of the Crown. This policy was not systematically extended to Welsh boroughs, but Dineley records that the Corporation of Cardiff "voluntarily" surrendered its charter to the duke. The speech of the Recorder of Carmarthen further shows that the object of the progress was to stamp out any signs of disaffection, and to stimulate the loyalty of the Welsh people. "Your Grace," the Recorder says,

"will find our heads......regulated by the same principell of Loyaltie, which was our antidote against the Poyson and infection of those treasonable doctrines and practices which in the late dismall times of Rebellion (like the frogs of Egypt) overspread the land round about us."

He boasts that Carmarthen "never gave birth to any such monstrous production as a Sequestrator or a Committeeman," though he subsequently admits that "there have been a sort of sottish and profligate miscreants among us," probably survivors or descendants of the Parliamentarians of the Civil War. But the northern was perhaps even more loyal than the southern half of the Principality, for of Anglesea Dineley tells us, "There are said not to be three Sectaries in the whole Isle." In fact, the greatest loyalty and respect for the established government were everywhere manifested throughout the whole progress, and the gentry of the several counties vied with each other in the magnificence of their receptions, and in the splendour of the entertainments held in honour of the duke and his escort.

Few writers have ever received such kindly treatment at the hands of posterity as Thomas Dineley, the chronicler of the progress. By contemporary writers he is not even mentioned, and little is known of his life save what can be gathered from his MSS. His best-known work is 'History

vandalism of Cromwell's army, speaking with bitterness of "the irregularity of the Usurper's souldiers."

In the main, therefore, the book is a topographical work, written in the form of a diary of the progress. It contains little of value for the social and economic history of the age, excepting the light it incidentally throws on the life and manners, the pursuits and pleasures of the country gentry. Among them, whatever the condition of the lower classes may have been, there probably existed a higher standard of luxury coupled with a more indiscriminate hospitality than prevailed a century later. Margam is described as "an open house for all, where as many came eat and drank as their appetites led them, without the Roman restraint of quantity." Even in a remote part of Cardiganshire French wines were common, though the favourite liquor was "Punch, which they make to a miracle." In this single instance Dineley takes occasion to contrast the squire's table with the peasant's diet of "oaten cakes and beer small made of oaten malt."

The most valuable feature of the work is the spirited sketches with which the text is illustrated. Gough gave a full list of them in his 'British Topography.' The landscapes, which are similar in style to those seen in the 'History from Marble,' may be described as a series of very neat vignettes, while the drawings of monumental effigies and of elaborate escutcheons prove the skill and care which the author bestowed on his work. Some of the sketches may be supposed to be better than their originals, which could be explained by the fact that the imperfect "scratchings" s" made in the hurry of the progress had to be copied and finished when the MS. was subsequently written out fairly. The work also contains two curious maps, one of which shows "the most famous Haven of Milford," which Dineley's discerning judgment pronounced to be "the most safe and spacious harbour of Great Britain," though in those days its advantages had hardly been recognized.

Leaving the question of the intrinsic value of the work, we cannot help being most thoroughly satisfied with the way in which the MS. has now been reproduced. The original document is in the possession of the present Duke of Beaufort, who had it printed for private circulation in 1864 with a limited number of woodcuts of selected sketches. But the present edition is a facsimile reproduction of the entire MS. with all the sketches in the text, by the

from Marble,' which was published in photo-process of photo-lithography. Mr. R. W.

lithography by the Camden Society in 1867 under the editorship of the late Mr. John Gough Nichols. This is a collection of monumental inscriptions gathered chiefly from the Midland counties and illustrated with numerous pen-and-ink sketches. In the bulk of its subject-matter his Welsh journal may be considered as achieving for the Principality what his 'History from Marble' did for three or four of the English counties. For the student of heraldic lore and for the genealogist he provides most valuable material in his copies of inscriptions which have since been effaced, and in his sketches of the arms which adorned the gateways of most country mansions at that time. But he often complains of the

Banks has written an interesting preface, mainly devoted to the history of the Council of the Marches and the presidency of the first Duke of Beaufort. He also refers to the many difficulties attending the work of reproduction, owing to the faintness of the writing, and to the frequency of stains which nearly obliterated the text underneath. The red border lines of each page, which in the Camden Society's edition of the History from Marble' occasionally interfere with the text, have been removed in this MS.; but the well-known experience of the publishers is sufficient to assure us that nothing has been "touched in" so as to render the facsimile less trustworthy than if

of photography, though the numerous penand-ink sketches could only be satisfactorily published by photo-lithography. In fact the work has been most admirably done in every respect, and the result is a pleasing memorial of the Principality as it was two hundred years ago.

NOVELS OF THE WEEK.

Schwarts. By D. Christie Murray. 2 vols. (Macmillan & Co.)

Anno Domini 2000; or, Woman's Destiny. By Sir Julius Vogel, K.C.M.G. (Hutchinson & Co.)

More Sail than Ballast. By C. A. Montrésor. (Allen & Co.)

a

'SCHWARTZ' marks a further step in the process of mild deception by which collection of stories is dressed up to pass as a single novel. To put the name of the first story only on the back of the book has for some time been the practice of the trade; but it has been usual to offer a sort of apology on the title-page by adding "and other stories." In the case of 'Schwartz' no such apology is made, and investigation must be carried further to discover, first, that the two volumes contain four stories, and secondly, that 'Schwartz' is the least considerable of them. It is a story about a dog, and the weakness of it is only to be accounted for by supposing that it is a true story. Art, at all events, has not done much for it. The other stories are worth more; but Mr. Christie Murray has not been able to maintain the standard of his earlier works. As a novelist he started with much promise, and in a short story called 'Coals of Fire,' published about seven years ago, he showed a peculiar gift which would have been still more striking if the story had been issued by itself. He has not done anything so good since. But a faithful public which has once been pleased is not to be put off, and, in truth, these two volumes are better worth reading than the average collection of stories. Mr. Murray should correct his French; he would not willingly say that a man was arréanti, nor write "Que diable faisant-il dans cette gaière?"

We are somewhat doubtful whether Sir Julius Vogel's volume should be classed among novels, for the tale that it contains, which is very dull, is a mere excuse for startling and lively statements with regard to the future of the British Empire for 110 years to come. It is somewhat odd to find an ex-Conservative candidate, even if he did afterwards become one of the leaders in a coalition government in New Zealand, writing as Sir Julius Vogel does about property and certain other points of existing Conservative doctrine. He tells us that in 1920 the Irish question was still to the front, and that Home Rule had not been granted, but, as a great war was obviously coming on, the colonies interfered, and the Premier of Canada, speaking in the name of Canada, Australasia, and South Africa, informed the Prime Minister of England that the colonies could no longer regard without concern the condition of Ireland, and that, enjoying as they did free local institutions, they saw no reasons why these should be refused to Ireland. Havingreceived an uncivil answer from the Prime Minister of England, the colonial

it had been produced by the ordinary process | ministers sent a joint address to the King

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