"Through caverns measureless to man Down to a sunless sea.'

In Keats's

-"magic casements opening on the foam Of perilous seas in fairy lands forlorn."

In Virgil's

Fluminaque antiquos subterlabentia muros." ("And rivers gliding under ancient walls.”)

In Wordsworth's

66 Breaking the silence of the seas
Among the farthest Hebrides."

This is the spirit of Romance, the spirit which prefers the phantom to the statue, and twilight to full noon; which seeks not the vividness of imagery, but the rich and working presence of suggestion. It is this spirit, pushed to its last result only in our own time, which has produced the interesting form of poetry of which Mr. Swinburne's 'Before a Mirror' is perhaps the most remarkable instance.

The effect of this poem is almost identically the same as that of music. Its imagery, so far from being vivid, is phantasmal; its words act through associations more ghostly than the scent of last year's rose, than "the song of our country heard in a strange land." The impression of its haunting power resembles nothing so nearly as the impression produced by a Nocturne of Chopin's.

But leaving these enchanted lands, where all forms of things are 66 vapourous and unaccountable," and coming out into the air of common day, it is curious to note at how slight a cause

really charged with consequence, like the foot-print which Robinson Crusoe found on the sea-shore-imagination will arouse itself, ready for flight, like Ariel spreading his wings at the voice. of Prospero. The following is a fine. example; and it is one, moreover, which is sufficient, of itself, to display the essential difference between the art which suggests, and the art which excludes suggestion:

"The picture represented clouds low and lurid, rolling over a swollen sea; all the distance was in eclipse; so, too, was the foreground-or rather the nearest billows, for there was no land. One gleam of light lifted into relief a half-submerged mast, on which sat a cormorant, dark and large, with wings flecked with foam. In its beak it held a bracelet, set with gems, touched with as brilliant tints as the palette could yield, and as glittering distinctness as the pencil could impart.'

Now supposing this to be a complete description of the scene, for though Jane Eyre's picture contained other details, we may consider, for our purpose, that nothing was visible but what is here described, the whole power of it as a piece of romantic art (and it is immensely powerful) lies in the bracelet. Without the bracelet the picture is merely a study of waves and sky. It may be fine and valuable as such, full of the most rare and precious qualities of landscape; but, whatever these may be, the interest of such a picture lies evidently in what it accurately depicts, not in what it suggests. But add the bracelet, add the power of suggestion, the mystery of romance, and the picture is now no longer a study of scenery, but a wild and mournful poem.

Now that Home Rule has been brought formally before Parliament by a Liberal Ministry as a sure and certain remedy for all the evils which Ireland is inflicting upon England, and England upon Ireland, it may not be amiss to glance at the result of a similar experiment in the last century. The judicious of both nations would prefer to bear the ills they have than fly to others they know not of.

The demand for legislative independence was part of the great revolutionary movement of the last century. It was very closely connected with the revolt of the American colonies. Ireland was an anxious spectator of a conflict in which so many of her own sons took part; and when at length America had won her independence, the Irish laid the lesson to heart and resolved to gain by arms those measures of relief which they considered desirable.

The grievances complained of were: -the dependence of the judges, the maintenance of a standing army by a permanent Mutiny Bill, the absence of a Habeas Corpus Act, and, above all, the operation of two statutes, namely, Poyning's Law, and that known as the Sixth of George the First.

Poyning's Law, so called from Sir Edward Poyning, who had been Lord Deputy in the reign of Henry the Seventh, enacted that no parliament was to be held in Ireland till (1) it had been certified to the King the causes and considerations of, and the acts to be brought before, that assembly; and (2) until these had been approved under the Great Seal of England. In consequence of Poyning's Law the

Irish Parliament was prevented from originating any measure whatever. Before any proposed statute could be discussed it was necessary to have it submitted to the Lord-Lieutenant and the Privy Council, who might reject it, or pass it on to England to be placed before the English Privy Council, who might in turn reject it altogether, or seriously modify it, in which modified form it must pass into law, if it pass at all. The Statute, Sixth of George the First, claimed for the Parliament of England a positive right to legislate for Ireland. A question had arisen in 1719 between the English and the Irish House of Lords as to appellate jurisdiction. A case of property had. been decided in favour of the respondent by the Irish Court of Exchequer, and the decision had been reversed by the Irish Peers. The respondent brought the second decision before the English Peers, who reversed that of the Irish House, and upheld the judgment of the Court of Exchequer. A contest arose between the two Houses, which was finally decided by the statute in question, which declared "that the kingdom of Ireland hath been, is, and of right ought to be, subordinate and dependent upon the Imperial Crown of Great Britain, as being inseparably united and annexed thereto; and that the King's majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords spiritual and temporal, and Commons of Great Britain in Parliament assembled, had, hath, and of right ought to have, full power and authority to make laws and statutes of sufficient force and validity to bind the people of the kingdom of Ireland. And it is further enacted and declared

that the House of Lords of Ireland, have not, nor of right of right ought to have, any jurisdiction to judge of, affirm, or reverse any judgment made in any court within the said kingdom."

More important even than the subjection of the Irish Parliament to that of England was felt to be the decline in the trade of the kingdom owing to a series of enactments in favour of the English merchant. The woollen trade was almost a thing of the past. Distress and destitution prevailed everywhere. The rents were exorbitant, wages were low, there was little or no employment in a country almost without manufactures. Four millions out of the five who composed the population were subject to the penal laws which denied them the exercise of their religion and the liberty of educating their children, and practically offered a premium for conversion by enabling a child to disinherit his brothers and even his parents. Misery, want, and oppression were the badge of all the lower orders of the kingdom, while the burdens and taxes were being increased from year to year.

While matters were in this condition hostilities broke out between England and her American colonies. In order to prevent supplies being sent by Ireland to the Americans an embargo was laid on goods proceeding from Irish ports. The immediate effect of this measure was to seriously diminish the gains of the agriculturists. The revenue fell away, and the debt was largely increased. Resolutions in favour of free trade were proposed in Parliament, and Lord North was disposed to give them his favourable consideration. They were vigorously opposed, however, by the English commercial interest, by whom fair competition was regarded with jealousy. The attention of Ireland was therefore directed to America, where the patriots saw a colony struggling with the country which had imposed commercial restrictions for her own real or imagined advantage. Especially

was this the case when Mr. Rigby declared in the English House of Commons that the Parliament of England had clearly as much right to tax Ireland as it had to tax America-a comparison, to say the least, somewhat ill-timed! It was felt by the patriots that the Irish issue was being decided in America, and they learned that what would not be conceded as a right might be granted to force.

Towards the close of 1775 a message was sent to Parliament by the LordLieutenant to the effect that it would be necessary to draft four thousand men from the Irish establishment to support the royal forces in America ; that these troops would not be charged to the revenue during their absence from the kingdom, but that their places would be occupied by the same number of Protestant mercenaries. The Commons readily agreed to the first two propositions, but the third was rejected, the House being of opinion that the loyal party could defend themselves without the assistance of foreign troops. This resolution had very important consequences.

Of recent years Ireland had been much exposed to the incursions of privateers. These rovers landed on an unprotected spot, and spreading inland carried off all they could lay their hands on. In 1778 the celebrated Paul Jones had the audacity to enter Carrickfergus Bay and sail round the Drake, which was anchored there. The gentry here and there had already begun to arm their tenants and retainers, but as yet there was no concerted action.

Towards the beginning of 1779 the Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant sent information to Belfast that two or three privateers were hovering about the neighbourhood, and that a visit might be expected from them. He also stated that the citizens must prepare to defend themselves, as the Government had few troops to spare, and at present was able to send only some seventy horse and a few companies of invalids.

The permission to arm was acted upon with marvellous alacrity. Not only were volunteers enrolled for the defence of Belfast, but armed associations sprang into existence all over the country; there was not a village that had not its own volunteer corps; and with such rapidity did the movement spread, that by the end of 1779 there were no less than fifty thousand men under arms. The Government could only look on in amazement, as the country was denuded of regular troops, and the patriots had an excuse made ready for them by the Secretary himself. This extraordinary armament was self-supporting and selfgoverned. The members, whether officers or privates, held no commission from the Crown, and acknowledged no connection with the Government. They provided their own arms and ammunition, and when no longer able to procure a supply by purchase, demanded and obtained from the LordLieutenant twenty thousand stand of arms from the Castle. Originally each corps was distinct and separate from all others. The first step towards consolidating these independent units was made by the Dublin volunteers electing the Duke of Leinster as their commander-in-chief, an appointment which was followed by the election of the Earl of Charlemont as commander-in-chief for all Ireland. But not only was the body an army, and a formidable army, it was a large political club, or assemblage of clubs, which considered itself competent to discuss and decide the most important questions of policy, and was well aware that its decisions could not be lightly disregarded.

When Parliament met in 1779 the popular leaders felt that their arguments were greatly strengthened by the existence of an army which had sprung up since the last session. The Lord-Lieutenant opened Parliament towards the close of the year with the usual stereotyped speech, and the customary address was moved in the Commons by Sir Richard Deane.

A

pause ensued, and then Grattan, rising with more than his usual solemnity, moved the following amendment :

"That we beseech your Majesty to believe, that it is with the utmost reluctance we are constrained to approach you on the present occasion, but the constant drain to supply absentees and the unfortunate prohibition of our trade have caused such calamity that the natural support of our country has decayed, and our manufactures are dying of want; famine stalks hand in hand with hopeless wretchedness, and the only means left of supporting the expiring trade of this miser able part of your Majesty's dominions is to open a free export trade and let your Irish subjects enjoy their natural birthright.".

This amendment was supported by Flood, Ogle, Hutchinson, Sir Henry Newenham, and others. At length the Prime Serjeant, Walter Hussey Burgh, arose, and, reviewing the policy of England which rendered armed resistance and the formation of the volunteers a necessity, said: "Talk not to me of peace; Ireland is not in a state of peace. It is smothered war. England has sown her laws like dragon's teeth, and they have sprung up like armed men. Burgh concluded by substituting an amendment for that of Grattan's, which was unanimously accepted: "That it is not by temporary expedients, but by granting free trade, that this nation is to be saved from impending ruin."

The volunteers adopted the measure as their own; and when the Speaker carried the resolution from the Parliament to the Castle, he passed between ranks of resolute men drawn up under arms and headed by the Duke of Leinster.

The sudden demand for free trade could not be resisted, and accordingly Lord North introduced into the English Parliament a measure permitting a free export trade of Irish woollens and glass, and granting freedom of trade with British plantations, under certain restrictions. But these concessions did not at all satisfy the patriots, who were beginning to know their strength. Acting upon

the principle that England's diffi culty was Ireland's opportunity, the cry of Free Trade was deemed insufficient. A cry for a Free Par liament followed, and nothing would now satisfy Grattan but the repeal of Poyning's law and the statute of George the First, that Ireland might enjoy the blessings of selfgovernment.

Accordingly, when Parliament met in 1780, Grattan was ready with a resolution to the effect that no power on earth save that of the King, Lords, and Commons of Ireland had a right to make laws for Ireland. In his speech he said: "I have no ambition, unless it be the ambition to break your chains and contemplate your glory. I never will be satisfied as long as the meanest cottager of Ireland has a link of the British chain clanking to his rags. He may be naked, he shall not be in irons." long debate followed, sustained with much ability on both sides. Neither the Government nor the Opposition seemed inclined to press for a division, and after an all-night sitting the reso lution was withdrawn.

Α

It was

The patriotic party in Parliament, seeing that little could be gained in that assembly, resolved to avail themselves more openly of the assistance of the Irish volunteers. decided to open the campaign in Ulster. Each volunteer association of that province was now directed to send delegates to a convention which was to be held at Dungannon on the fifteenth of February, 1762.

At the appointed date, Charlemont, Grattan, and the chief patriotic leaders repaired to the little northern town, where they were met by two hundred delegates, representing about twentyfive thousand men. A series of resolutions was there framed, which may be regarded as the Irish Declaration of Rights. It was declared that a citizen by taking up arms does not abandon any of his civil rights; that the claims of any body of men other than the King, Lords, and Commons of Ire

land to make laws for that kingdom was a grievance; that the powers exercised by the Privy Councils of both kingdoms under the law of Poyning was a grievance; that the ports of Ireland were by right open to all foreign countries not at war with the king.

The Opposition now only awaited the meeting of Parliament to present these resolutions to the ministry as the demand of a hundred and twenty thousand armed men, for such was about the strength of the Irish volunteers at this time.

On the fall of Lord North's ministry, Lord Carlisle was succeeded in the viceroyalty by the Duke of Portland, who had to meet Parliament two days after his arrival, the patriots refusing him the respite even of a single day.

Parliament met on the sixteenth of April. There was an unusual call of the House, and by four o'clock, the hour for opening, scarcely a member was missing from his place. In the midst of a breathless assembly Mr. Hutchinson arose, and said that his Excellency had ordered him to deliver a message from the King, importing that his Majesty recommended the House to take into consideration measures "which would effect such a final adjustment as would give satisfaction to both kingdoms." He also accompanied the communication with a statement of his own views, and expressed his determination to support a declaration of Irish rights and constitutional independence. Mr. Hutchinson, however, observed that he was not authorised to say more. He was silent on all details, and pledged the Government to none.

Ponsonby proposed an address in reply, which fell short of the expectation of the House, and then Grattan rose and in a brilliant speech laid the demands of the patriots before the assembly. In one word, he moved legislative independence, the conclusion of the address assuring his Majesty "that we humbly conceive that in this right the very essence of our liberty consists. A right which