days of Darius Hystaspes. There are, no doubt, in the earliest history of her citizens, unquestionable proofs that she departed from this amicable policy as soon as she found herself sufficiently strong to dispute the pretensions of the Libyan princes, and even had recourse to arms, in order to vindicate her independence, or to extend her borders. Opposed to uncivilized hordes, the Carthaginian generals usually found their efforts crowned with success; though it is admitted that, by their conquests, they only obtained subjects who embraced every oportunity to throw off their yoke.

No records are left which might enable the historian at this distant period to determine the extent to which they carried their triumphs over the natives, or what were the conditions proposed to the vanquished as the vassals of this rising republic. Those who imagine that they subdued all Barbary, or indeed any very considerable part of it, are chargeable with a great mistake; though some writers have gone so far as to assert that the whole of Northern Africa submitted to their sway, and that the Mauritanian princes consented to receive their diadems from the senate of Carthage. The Latin authors, however, do not warrant the conclusion that they were at any time masters of more land than that which constituted the province usually associated with their name, together with the principal harbours between the eastern confines of Tripoli and the shores of the Atlantic. There is besides good reason to infer, that in ordinary circumstances their authority did not extend much beyond the walls of their seaport towns, especially of those which, more with the view of pursuing commerce than of enlarging their dominions, or of establishing political power, they had been permitted to erect within the boundaries of Numidia.*

The writings of Polybius afford the most authentic information that can now be obtained respecting the territorial possessions of Carthage at the time when she first began to attract the attention of Europe. Speaking of the Africans who fought in her armies, he always makes a distinction between her proper subjects and the free people who served for pay. The former he universally calls Libyans, never applying to them any more particular or characteristic appellation;

Heeren's Reflections on the Politics, Intercourse, and Trade of the Ancient Nations of Africa, p. 53, &c.

while on the mercenaries he confers the epithet of Nomades or Numidians-a title which suited a great variety of tribes who followed the same wandering mode of life, inherited, it is probable, from their Arabian ancestors. These roving clans acknowledged no master-thinking that they humbled themselves sufficiently when they condescended to use their arms for a stated recompense, under the banner of their allies. The others, who practised husbandry, having settled abodes and a fixed property, consented to purchase protection by surrendering their precarious freedom, as well as by agreeing to pay an annual tax levied upon the produce of their lands. It is accordingly observed by the historian just cited, that the tribute imposed upon the Libyans was for the most part paid in grain; and, as has been already stated, it was principally with the produce of their industry that the Carthaginians were enabled to maintain those numerous armies with which they made their conquests in foreign countries.

It would appear that these Libyans were indebted to the Tyrian colonists for the important knowledge of agriculture, which in all ages has proved the main source of civilization and social improvement. In the time of Herodotus, the most flourishing era of the Carthaginian state, no people who cultivated land was to be found beyond the limits of their territory; all the native tribes between Egypt and the Lesser Syrtis being still in the more primitive condition of shepherds, removing from place to place over the wide surface of the Desert. But immediately to the westward, he remarks, "we find nations who till the ground." Of these he specifies three-the Maxyes, the Zaucees, and the Zygantes-all of whom appear to have been very recently reclaimed from the rudest habits of savage life, as they still continued to cut their hair in the most fantastic manner, and to paint their bodies with vermilion. The Maxyes, to whom these remarks principally apply, pretended that they were sprung from the Trojans. Their country, we are farther told, and indeed all the western parts of Libya, are much more woody and infested with wild beasts than that where the Nomades reside; for the abode of these latter, in proportion as it stretches to the eastward, becomes more low and sandy. From hence, continues Herodotus, towards the west, where those dwell who plough the land, the region is

mountainous, full of trees, and abounding with wild beasts. Here are found serpents of an enormous size, lions, elephants, bears, asps, and asses with horns.*

This author, who did not travel in the western districts of Africa, must have received the materials of that part of his history which has now been quoted from native writers, to whose authority, indeed, he occasionally refers. There can be no doubt, however, that there were, in the vicinity of the Atlas range, many tribes whose names had not reached him, and who, from time to time, appear in the muster-roll of the Carthaginian army. Some notion of their numbers may be formed from the fact mentioned by Polybius, that, in the unfortunate war which the republic waged with her mercenary troops, after the termination of her first conflict with Rome, no fewer than 70,000 of them were in the field.+

To prevent such insurrections, which threatened the stability of their power, the rulers of the commonwealth encouraged the settlement of small colonies of citizens among the agricultural nations on their southern frontier. Adopting in this respect the policy of their European rivals, they endeavoured to gain the support of their neighbours, by extending to them the benefit of their institutions and the honour of their kindred. This expedient gave rise to a distinction in the African race, which is marked in history as the LibyPhoenician-a class who differed from the original inhabitants of the country, of which they are said to have occupied the richest and most fruitful parts. This circumstance has not escaped the notice of Aristotle, who describes it as the surest method for retaining the good-will of the people; as it prevented the too great increase of the lower orders in the capital, and, by a proper distribution of lands, placed the poorer citizens in better circumstances. In this way, says he, Carthage preserved the love of her subjects. She continually sends out colonies of the townsmen into the districts around her, and thereby makes them men of property; the best proof of a mild and intelligent government, who assist the poor by inuring them to labour.‡

During several centuries, the history of Carthage comprehended that of the whole of Northern Africa, the scanty

*Herodot., Melpomene, c. 186-193.
t Polyb., lib. i., c. 6.

Arist. Polit., lib. ii., c. 11.

mains of which can now only be gleaned from the volumes of the Greek and Latin authors. It is much to be regretted that all the works of native writers have perished; having fallen a prey to various accidents, as well perhaps as to the neglect of their haughty conquerors, who had no desire that the gallant efforts of a falling state should be recorded by any less partial pen than their own. In the days of Sallust, several records were still in existence, from which he drew some of the facts which he has incorporated in his Life of Jugurtha; but the ruin of the noble family to whom they belonged gave occasion to their loss, which has since proved irretrievable. We learn, however, from the annals of Josephus, as well as from a few incidental notices in the Sacred Scriptures, that, about 600 years before the Christian era, the Carthaginians had attained to such a degree of power as to brave the resentment of the King of Babylon. This monarch, as has been already mentioned, laid siege to Tyre, which, after thirteen years' labour, he reduced to submission; but he did not accomplish his object without encountering the arms of the African colonists, who sent both sea and land forces to assist their mother-country.*

After the lapse of half a century, the people of Carthage, who, like the nation whence they sprang, knew the value of commerce, endeavoured to establish their authority in the islands of the Mediterranean. Their first attempts on Sicily and Sardinia were attended with so little success, that a disturbance was excited between those who planned the war and the leaders who were appointed to conduct it. But the object appeared, in the eyes of the senate, to possess so much importance, that new efforts were made, and larger armies were raised, in order to bring it to a favourable issue. It is related by Diodorus Siculus, that, in the year of Rome 280, Amilcar, at the head of 300,000 men, invaded Sicily,

*Joseph. Cont. Apion., lib. i. Ezekiel, chapters xxvi., xxvii., xxviii., xxix. The details given by the prophet in the 27th chapter throw more light on the trade of Tyre than can now be ob tained from any other author. Sallust (Jugurth., c. 17) writes as follows:-"Sed qui mortales initio Africam habuerint, quique postea accesserint, aut quomodo inter se permixti sint, tamen uti ex libris Punicis, qui Regis Hiempsalis dicebantur interpretatum nobis est; utique rem sese habere cultores ejus terræ putant, quam paucissimis dicam."

carrying with him 2,000 ships of war, and a greater number of transports. These immense preparations, however, did not secure a more fortunate result. Losses at sea were succeeded by more serious disasters on shore; and Gelo, the sovereign of the island, adding stratagem to force, overcame the Carthaginian commander, and dispersed his mighty host. But fifty years had not passed when a similar expedition was fitted out under Hamilco, who, though his operations in the field of battle were attended with greater prosperity, did not in the end accomplish more for the commonwealth whose sword he drew. Dionysius, who was obliged to surrender his capital to the invaders, soon saw his cause avenged by the ravages of a pestilence, which cut off their general, with a large proportion of his followers.

These reverses did not dishearten the rulers of Carthage, who, in the meanwhile, were gradually extending their influence along the shores of Africa, and on the opposite coast of Spain. Their commerce, too, had already become so flourishing as to afford the means of enlisting, not only the warlike tribes of their own deserts, but also Spaniards, Gauls, Ligurians, Sardinians, and Corsicans. With these forces, they in process of time found themselves masters of most of the Mediterranean islands, and at length attracted the notice of the Romans, whose dominion began to be felt at the extreme parts of Italy. If we yield to the authority of Polybius, we must admit that the consular government, a hundred years earlier, had solicited the friendship of the Carthaginians; but, whatever may be thought of his statement, it seems perfectly clear that, about three centuries and a half before the reign of Augustus, a treaty was formed between the two republics.

This was, indeed, the age of freedom and vigour to both, though it cannot be averred that the generosity of either kept pace with their advancement in national strength and public liberty. It has been justly remarked, that those communities which are the most free are also the most subject to violent passions and hasty resolves; and we find, accordingly, that the Carthaginians were not slow to employ their arms wherever they imagined they had an injury to punish or an advantage to gain. For example, they had already enslaved the people of Botica, a Spanish province, whose privileges were not saved by their courage; and they had