clined likewise to insist that the ministers should remain in office only to further the views, and adopt the policy, of the party who had made them. On the other hand, the royalist party was still too strong, and the favour of the monarch towards their principles and their persons was much too manifest, to give the ministry any security against a sudden dissolution, if they blindly followed in the train of the popular leaders. Thus no party trusted them; what was worse, no party obeyed or was controlled by them. Instead of being a powerful government, compelling respect from all other parties by its own substantive weight, its intrinsic weakness reduced it to the necessity of occasionally seeking succour from both. , It had to inquire, not what policy would be most pleasing to itself, but what was the policy that would be demanded by those on whom it was dependent. The popular party was now triumphant in the Chamber of Deputies, and the measures of the new ministry had hitherto partaken of a popular character. But the people be lieved that the new ministry had been friendly to the popular cause, only in so far as they could not safely venture to do otherwise; and that to insure the maintenance and progress of the popular cause, it was necessary that the popular party should continue to act, almost as if ministers were their opponents, and to force upon them such measures as the popular spirit might require.

The difficulties, with which the peculiar position of the administration surrounded it, were increased, in the beginning of the present year, by the retirement from office of the Count de Ferronay, the

Minister for Foreign Affairs, one of its most popular and respected members. Indisposition compelled him to withdraw from public life. His character and high connexions, the sacrifices which he had formerly made for the royal cause, and the zeal which he had recently evinced in support of the charter, his conciliatory temper, and the confidence which the moderation of his principles inspired into the court as well as into the people, had rendered him of infinite importance to the existing cabinet, because they gave him great influence with the parties whom it was necessary to manage. The jealousy of these parties made it a work of much embarrassment to find a successor. To name a candidate who was thought to lean to the court-party, immediately called forth a thousand denunciations against the ministry, as betraying the cause of the people; and to seek a minister among the liberals, was to rouse the wrath of the court and of the priests. About the time of Count de Ferronay's retirement, Prince Polignac, the French Ambassador at London, made an unexpected visit to Paris. It was immediately said, that the king had sent for him to fill the vacant office, and change the spirit of the too liberal cabinet. Count Portalis was charged with having sent the invitation unknown to his colleagues. The proposal, or the supposition, was received in Paris with loud dissatisfaction. It was objected to the prince, that he was a confirmed enemy of all popular rights; that he had been a partisan of Villèle, and would set up anew that minister's system of internal oppression and degradation; that he was a declared champion of the Congregation, and would lend all his influence to that faction of

bigots and Jesuits, which every good and wise man in France was labouring to keep down; that he was a creature of the English cabinet, and would conduct the foreign affairs of France only in accordance with the views and interests of the British government; nay, that the very scheme of making him a minister was nothing else than an intrigue of the duke of Wellington. The public voice being decided, decided the cabinet. The greater number of the ministers threatened to resign, if the royal nomination were insisted on; and Prince Polignac returned to London, but not until he had defended himself, in a speech delivered in the Chamber of Peers, against the accusations of the Press. His failure did not remove the difficulties of filling up the vacant office. It was given provisionally to the count de Portalis, who was keeper of the seals. In the month of May, he resigned the Seals, and became Minister for Foreign Affairs; a department for which it was doubtful whether he would be well qualified by those acquirements and talents which rendered him, in public estimation, an excellent Minister of Justice. He was succeeded in the latter capacity by M. de Bourdeau, undersecretary in the department of Justice. The nomination was not calculated in itself to displease the public mind; for M. de Bourdeau was a deputy of the left side, and had resigned his place as ProcureurGeneral at the Royal Court of Rennes, rather than ally himself with Villèle's ministry; but the arrangement was not one which brought any accession of strength to the ministry, and only shewed how little they felt themselves at liberty to manifest a decided inclination towards either party. M. de Por

talis belonged to the cabinet already in two capacitics, and M. de Bourdeau in one. The former merely made a surrender of one of his portfolios to the latter, who was already performing, in the character of under-secretary, the same duties which he would now have to discharge as head of the department. The opposition insisted that the vacancy should have been filled by taking some man of character and influence from the popular party. If the ministry could not venture to seek even an accession of strength, or rather the mere reparation of a loss, by taking such a step, it proved that they wanted inclination to identify themselves with the liberals, or were willing to surrender their inclinations to their dread of losing office; and, in either case, they became equally objects of suspicion.

Before this arrangement, however, had taken place, the Chambers had been assembled on the 27th of January. His majesty opened the Session in person, and delivered from the throne the following speech.

"Gentlemen,-I am happy in seeing you every year assembled round my throne, to promote, in concert with me, the great interests of my people.

"This satisfaction is the more lively on the present occasion, as I have pleasing communications to make to you, and important labours to intrust to you.

"My relations with foreign powers continue to be friendly. The assurances I receive from my allies offer me a pledge, that, notwithstanding the events which have desolated the East, peace will not be disturbed in the rest of Europe. To hasten the pacification of Greece, I have, in concert

with England and Russia, sent to the Morea a division of my troops. At the sight of some thousand Frenchmen, determined to accomplish their noble task, that celebrated country, too long ravaged, has been restored to peace and security. There, as at Navarino, the union of the flags has proved to the world the respect of the three crowns for the faith of treaties; and my soldiers take pleasure in recounting the sincere support which they have found in the English navy.

"A formal declaration, notified to the Porte, has placed the Morea and the neighbouring islands under the protection of the three powers. This solemn act will suffice to render a protracted occupation unnecessary. I continue to assist the Greeks to rebuild their ruins, and my ships bring back to them those Christian slaves, whom the pious generosity of France has restored to their country and to liberty.

"So many cares will not prove vain. I have reason to believe that the Porte, more enlightened, will cease to oppose the treaty of the 6th of July, and it may be hoped that this first arrangement will not be lost for the re-establishment of peace in the East.

"The situation of Spain has allowed me to recall the troops which I had left at the disposal of his Catholic Majesty. My soldiers have returned to their country, after having received from the inhabitants of all the countries through which they have passed, testimonies of esteem and regret, due to their excellent discipline. Considerable sums have been advanced to the Spanish government: a convention has been signed to regulate the repayment of them.

"The hope which I still retain of obtaining from the Dey of Algiers a just reparation, has retarded the measures which I may be obliged to take in order to punish him; but I shall neglect nothing to protect the French commerce from insult and piracy; and striking examples have already taught the Algerines, that it is neither easy nor prudent to brave the vigilance of my naval force.

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Engagements contracted by an ancient French colony had ceased to be executed. After having convinced myself that this inexecution was the result of inability, I have consented to open with it a more efficacious negotiation for the interests of the colonies and of commerce.

Many of my subjects have suffered by the measures taken by the Emperor of Brazil in his war with the Republic of Buenos Ayres. Some of their vessels have been captured. The convention which I have just ratified, while it confirms, with respect to the right of blockade, a conservatory principle always maintained by France, ensures to them the restitution of their property, and an indemnity proportioned to their loss. On this occasion, as on all others, I owe praises to the French marine, which shows itself worthy of its noble mission.

"The successive shocks, which have agitated some of the new states of South America, have left the political situation of those states uncertain, and rendered it difficult to form regular relations with them. The moment is doubtless not far distant, when I shall be able to give to those relations a stability advantageous to my subjects: meantime I have appointed consuls to watch over their interests.

"Such, gentlemen, is the happy state of our relations with foreign powers. Whatever may be the events that the future reserves for us, I shall certainly never forget that the glory of France is a sacred deposit, and that the honour of being the guardian of it is the fairest prerogative of my crown. "Order and peace prevail in the interior. French industry, already so justly celebrated, is daily distinguished by new improve ments. Some branches of our agriculture and commerce are suffering, but I hope that it will be possible for me to lessen the evil, if I should not be enabled to cure it.

"The long inclemency of the seasons, and the unfavourable delay which the harvest experienced, awakened for some weeks the solicitude of my government. Distressing doubts with respect to the state of our resources have been speedily dispelled by more positive information. The subsistence of all is assured; and if the price of corn, while it augments the prosperity of the landholders, increases for a moment the distress of the indigent, Providence has created beneficence to relieve those who suffer.

"The press, freed from restraints, enjoys entire liberty. If licentiousness, its fatal enemy, still shows itself under the cover of a generous and confiding law, public good sense, which becomes more firm and enlightened, does justice to its aberrations, and the magistracy, faithful to its noble traditions, knows its duties, and will always fulfil them.

"The necessity of placing the religion of our fathers in security against any attack, to maintain in my kingdom the execution of the

laws, and at the same time to ensure amongst us the perpetuity of the priesthood, have induced me, after mature reflection, to prescribe measures which I have felt to be necessary. These measures have been executed with that prudent firmness, which reconciles the obedience due to the laws, the respect due to religion, and the just regards to which its ministers are entitled. Communications will be made to you on the state of our finances. You will be happy to learn, that the estimates of the revenue for 1828 have been exceeded. This increasing prosperity has not relaxed the system of economy, in which my government must endeavour daily to advance farther, without, however, forgetting that useful expense is also economy.

"Numerous labours will occupy the Session which is opened to-day. You will have to discuss a code which is destined for the army, and deserves serious attention.

"The law on the endowment of the Chamber of Peers, and many other laws worthy of your whole attention, will be presented to you. A serious and important project will, above all, call for your solicitude. It has been long since acknowledged, that there is a necessity for a new municipal departmental law, the whole of which shall be in harmony with our institutions. The most difficult questions are connected with this organization. It ought to secure to the communes and to the departments a just share in the management of their interests; but it must, at the same time, preserve to the protecting and moderating power which belongs to the Crown, the full scope of action and force which public order requires. I have

a

caused a project, which will be presented to you, to be prepared with care. I invite all the meditations of your wisdom to this project, and I confide the discussion of it to your love of the public good, and to your fidelity. Every day gives me fresh proofs of the affection of my people, and enhances the sacredness of the obligation which I have contracted, to dedicate myself to their happiness. This noble task, which you, gentlemen, will assist me to fulfil, must daily become more easy.

"Experience has dispelled the charm of insensate theories. France, like yourselves, knows on what basis its happiness reposes, and those, who should seek it any where but in the sincere union of the royal authority and of the liberties which the charter has consecrated, would be openly disowned by it. You, gentlemen, are called upon to render this union more close and more solid; you will accomplish this happy mission like faithful subjects and loyal Frenchmen, and your efforts will be equally certain of the support of your king and of the public gratitude." "

The first business to which the Chamber of Deputies proceededthe nomination of the list of Presidents-proved, how completely the popular party had now triumphed. The Chamber presents to the king a list of five deputies, chosen by a majority of the members, from among whom he selects the president; and his majesty commonly fixes on the member who has been placed at the head of the list. On the present occasion, all the five members named belonged either to the liberal party, or to the ultras who had united with the liberals to overturn the former administration. They were M. Royer

Collard, M. Cassimir Perrier, M. de Berbis, General Sebastiani, and M. de Lalot. The first of these gentlemen, a distinguished liberal, had 175 votes; the last had 132. Of the candidates of the opposite party, M. Ravez, the former president of the Chamber, stood highest, but he obtained only 90 votes. The king named M. Royer Collard president. The two vice-presidents likewise, and the secretaries, were all chosen from among the liberal party, with the exception of one secretary, whom the minority were allowed to name. The Address, too, an echo of the Speech was carried by a majority of 213 against 8. The principal topics on which the orators insisted, regarded the boundaries and ultimate fate of Greece. The liberals blamed the ministry for having recalled the French expedition, before it had accomplished all the objects which ought to have been in view, and for having consented to confine the new state within too narrow limits. limits. They assumed, moreover, that it was the policy of England which had crippled the efforts of France to make new Greece extensive and powerful; and that policy, again, was founded, according to them, on England's jealousy of a great naval state arising in the Mediterranean. They could not conceive that Britain, even though possessing Gibraltar, Malta, and the Ionian islands, could see without uneasiness a rival navy, consisting of one frigate and two steam-boats, supported partly by theft, and partly by charity, belonging to a country which could not maintain a building-yard within its confines !

The first measures, introduced into the Chamber by the ministers, were of a nature to merit public