ceive a favour from the popular branch of the constitution, and leaving him disqualified to receive a favour from the Crown; of allow ing him to acquire distinction by flattering the prejudices and courting the applause of the people, and depriving the Crown of the power to reward him for any exertions which he might make in support of its honour and dignity. In order to leave the avenues of ambition in parliament open to the Roman Catholic, he was of opinion that we ought to render him capable of being employed in the civil service of his country. It necessarily followed from these concessions, that the oaths taken by members of the legislature must be modified. In the new oath, the Catholic member would be called on to swear allegiance in the usual terms,-to disclaim the deposing power of the Pope, and the doctrine that his holiness had any temporal or civil power, directly or indirectly, within the realm,-solemnly to abjure any intention of subverting the Church Establishment, and to bind himself not to employ any of his privileges to weaken the Protestant religion or government. No The following was the form of the Oath, as read by Mr. Peel. "I, A.B., do declare, that I profess the Roman Catholic Religion." "I, A. B. do sincerely promise and swear, that I will be faithful and bear true allegiance to his Majesty King George IV, and will defend him to the utmost of my power against all conspiracies and attempts whatever which shall be made against his person, crown, or dignity, and I will do my utmost endeavour to disclose and make known to his Majesty, his heirs and successors, all treasons and traitorous conspiracies which may be formed against him or them. And I do faithfully promise to maintain, support, and defend, to the utmost of my power, the succession to the Crown, which succession, doubt, there was no disclaimer of certain other doctrines,-the doctrine that faith was not to be kept with heretics-the doctrine that persons could be relieved by the Pope from the solemn obligations of an oath. But to require them to make those and other disclaimers of a similar character, was, in his opinion, an unnecessary piece of legislation. He had omitted them as unnecessary to be applied to those who were thought worthy to be incorporated in that House. The remaining part of the measure regarded the exceptions from the general rule-the securities which were to be retained, in the midst of concession, as the safeguards of the Protestant Constitution. These lay within a narrow compass, and related to duties or offices connected with the established church. The only offices, from which Mr. Peel proposed to exclude Catholics, were those of Lord Lieutenant, or chief governor of Ireland, and of Lord High Chancellor, or Keeper, or Commissioner of the Great Seal. He also meant to exclude Catholics from appointments in any of the by an Act entitled 'An Act for the further limitation of the Crown, and the better securing the rights and liberties of the subject,' is and stands limited to the Princess Sophia, Electress of Hannover, and the heirs of her body, being Protestants; hereby utterly renouncing and abjuring any obedience or allegiance unto any other person claiming or pretending a right to the Crown of these realms. And I do further declare, that it is not an article of my faith, and that I do renounce, reject, and abjure the opinion, that princes excommunicated or deprived by the Pope, or any authority of the See of Rome, may be deposed or murdered by their subjects, or by any person whatsoever. And I do de clare, that I do not believe that the universities or colleges, or insti- and compact with the Sce of Rome, tutions upon Protestant founda and he saw the greatest difficulties tions, such as Eton, Westminster, in arriving at any such result. Winchester, or any ecclesiastical There was something revolting to schools of the same kind; in addi- the feelings of Englishmen, to the tion to which, he meant to retain independence and pride of this the law against even presentations country, in the king of England by Catholics to places of this kind; being obliged to go to a foreign and he proposed farther, that, in ecclesiastical court like that of case a Catholic, by virtue of his Rome, for the purpose of obtaining situation or property, should hold securities, and determining on what any office of church patronage, footing his own subjects were to such influence should be attached stand. They could not approach to, and exclusively vested in, the the court of Rome on such a subCrown. He further proposed, that ject, without admitting it at once it should not be lawful for any as an authority in legislation, and Catholic to advise the Crown re-recognizing its right to withhold garding the investiture or distribution of any ecclesiastical dignity in the established church of England or Ireland. Of other ecclesiastical securities, as they were called, which had at different times been proposed, he entirely disapproved. One proposal had been, to provide for the Roman Catholic church, and incorporate it with the state. But this would require negotiation On its assent from the measure. Pope of Rome, or any other foreign state, the granting to the Crown a prince, prelate, person, state, or potentate, hath or ought to have, any temporal or civil jurisdiction, power, superiority, or pre-eminence, directly or indirectly, within this realm. I do swear, that I will defend to the utmost of my power, the settlement of the property within this realm as established by the laws. And I do hereby disclaim, disavow, and solemnly abjure any intention to subvert the present Church establishment, as settled by the law within this realm. And I do solemnly swear that I never will exercise any privilege to which I am or may become entitled, to disturb or weaken the Protestant re ligion, or Protestant government in this kingdom. And I do solemnly, in the presence of God, profess, testify, and declare, that I do make this declaration, and every part thereof, in the plain and ordinary sense of this Oath, without any evasion, equivocation, or mental reservation whatsoever." control over the appointment of be devised. A veto on the nomination of the Catholic bishops was another security which had been contained in former proposed bills; but that, too, he would give up. His objection to it was, that it would be considered, and not unjustly, as the commencement of a qualified establishment with regard to the Roman Catholic church. He objected to it, not that he thought this an unreasonable demand on the part of the Crown, but because he thought, that, if we had sent to us a list of the names of candidates for the dignity of Catholic bishops in Ireland, it would be extremely difficult to free ourselves from the responsibility that must attach to our choice. We, in fact, would thus be parties to the nomination of Roman Catholic bishops, and would commence a qualified establishment for that church, which, above all things, under existing circumstances, it was desirable to avoid. At once, then, he abandoned the idea of a veto-first because it afforded no rational security; and in the second place, because objections might possibly be made by the Roman Catholics towards our exercise of such a power, which objections it was not worth while to raise. Still less was he inclined to adopt a third security, viz. a power of examining the intercourse between the Irish Catholic church, and the See of Rome. He did not know whether the Catholics would object to such a provision, but he had no desire to inspect the correspondence, and therefore no wish to raise the question. He would much rather that the secretary of state should have no more to do, in the way of interference with the spiritual affairs of the Romish church than he had to do with the internal discipline and regulations of the Wesleyan Methodists. If the time should arrive, when, from a change of circumstances, danger was likely to result from that intercourse (civil or spiritual), after the settlement of the present question, he should have no hesitation in coming down to the House with a bill, regulating, and, if necessary, interdicting that correspondence. The great ad vantage of settling this question, and composing the differences at present existing in Ireland, in consequence of the civil disabilities imposed on the Catholics, consisted in this-that, after we had set this matter at rest, we should be enabled to demand and to take any securities that might be necessary. We should then be able to maintain a high, independent, and uncompromising tone towards the Roman Catholics of Ireland, and legislate for them as for others of his majesty's subjects. But though he discarded all these arrangements as sources of security, there were certain other things which it would be proper to make matter of regulation. In the first place, he thought it fit to provide that, when Roman Catholics were admitted to the enjoyment of corporate offices, and other offices of a similar nature, in no case, and under no pretence whatsoever, should the insignia of office be taken to any other place of worship than a place of worship of the established church; that the robes of office should not be exhibited in any other place of religious worship except the Protestant church, and that the insignia of office, if carried in any religious ceremony, should be carried in the ceremonics of that church alone. Secondly, a practice had got up of late, calculated to afford great, and he might add just, offence to Protestantsants a practice of claiming and assuming, on the part of the Roman Catholic prelates, the names and titles of dignitaries belonging to the Church of England. proposed to prohibit the assumption, by members of the Roman Catholic church, of episcopal titles and names made use of in the Church of England. Thirdly, it was necessary He to enact some regulations for monastic institutions. At present, such societies were not interfered with; and with the existing communities he did not propose to interfere to any considerable extent. However, it was manifest that we ought to know the numbers of these societies, and who were the members of them; and with a view to obtain this information, government intended to make a provision for having the names and numbers of the individuals composing such communities registered. They would also require that communities bound by monastic vows should not be extended and multiplied in this country in future; and it was meant to provide against the entrance into this country of a class of men, against whom other countries had set their faces, and who hitherto, therefore, had resorted to this; he meant the order of Jesuits. Other countries had taken precautions against them, and why should not we? The state of the law, as now proposed to be established, would at least give to every party belonging to these religious orders and communities the full enjoyment of the rights which they enjoyed at present; it would confirm their existing privileges on a registration of their names and numbers. We had a clear right to take measures of security and precaution against the entrance of other members of these orders into the country, and against the extension of religious communities, professing no allegiance to any authority in this country, and being under the control of foreign superiors, resident, it might be, at the Court of Rome. Such was the plan described by Mr. Peel as that which ministers meant to propose for the new set tlement of the constitution; such were the grounds on which he maintained, that such a new settlement could no longer be postponed. A concomitant measure was the raising of the freehold qualification in Ireland. But, although Mr. Peel developed, at some length, in the course of his speech, the principles on which he called for the assent of parliament to the disfranchisement of the forty-shilling freeholders, in return for the concessions to be granted, yet, as that measure was contained in a separate bill, which ran its own course, it seems better to reserve the discussions regarding it for their own place, merely observing that it was always held out as a change which must accompany the other more important measure, whether in success or defeat. Ministers would not ask for it, unless emancipation were granted; and, if emancipation were granted, they would not dispense with it. "And now," continued Mr. Peel, concluding a speech which occupied more than four hours, "although I am not so sanguine as others in my expectations of the future, I have not the slightest hesitation in saying, I fully believe that the adjustment of this question in the manner proposed will not only give much better and stronger securities to the Protestant interest and establishment than any other that the present state of things admits of, but will also avert evils and dangers impending and immediate. I know I might have taken a more popular and palatable course, more popular with the individuals in concert with whom I long thought and acted, more palatable to the constituents whom I have lost; but I have consulted for the best for Protestant interests and our Protestant establishments. This is my defence against the accusations I have endured,-this is my consolation under the sacrifices I have made,—this shall be my revenge. I trust that, by the means now proposed, the moral storm may be lulled into a calm, the waters of strife may subside, and the elements of discord be stilled and composed. But if these expectations be disappointed-if, unhappily, civil strife and contentions shall arise, if the differences existing between us do not spring out of artificial distinctions and unequal privileges, but if there be something in the character of the Roman Catholic religion, not to be contented with a participation of equal privileges or with anything short of superiority, still I shall be content to make the trial. If the battle must be fought,-if the contest, which we would now avoid, cannot be averted by those means,-let the worst come to the worst, the battle will be fought for other objects, the contest will take place on other grounds. The contest then will be, not for an equality of civil rights, but for the predominance of an intolerant religion. If those more gloomy predictions shall be realized, and if our more favour able hopes shall not be justified by the result, we can fight that battle against the predominance of an intolerant religion more advantageously after this measure shall have passed, than we could do at present. We shall then have the sympathy of other nations; we shall have dissolved the great moral alliance that existed among the Roman Catholics-we shall have with us those great and illustrious authorities that long supported this measure, and which will then be transferred to us and ranged upon our side; and I do not doubt that in that contest we shall be victorious, aided as we shall be by the unanimous feeling of all classes of society in this country, as demonstrated in the numerous petitions presented to this House, in which I find the best and most real securities for the maintenance of our Protestant Constitution-aided, I will add, by the union of orthodoxy and dissent; by the assenting voice of Scotland; and, if other aid be necessary, cheered by the sympathies of every free state, and by the wishes and prayers of every free man, in whatever clime, or under whatever form of government he may live. The debate upon the motion for going into a committee, was continued by adjournment, upon the 6th of March. The principal supporters of the proposal were found among ministers, and their converted adherents. The whigs, satisfied with approving and lauding the ministry, did not take any leading share in the discussion. Lord Milton, sir J. Newport, Mr. Brougham, and sir F. Burdett spoke, but left the task of justification to the introducers of the measure, to whom it was much more difficult than to those, who, by their present vote, were only repeating opinions which they had long entertained, and often expressed. In opposition to the motion, Mr. Bankes, sir Robert Inglis, who had succeeded Mr. Peel in the represen tation of Oxford, and Mr. Clinton, denied, that any one, or all, of the grounds, on which this new policy had been adopted by government, could be admitted as valid. The grounds stated by Mr. Peel, had been, the state of Ireland, the evils of a divided cabinet, the difficulty of managing a House of Commons which left him in a minority, and |