they contain? This question arises out of sudden and undigested thought.

I remain, dear sir,

Your affectionate and obedient humble servant,

ALEXANDER HAMILTON.

"Resolved, That it is the opinion of this committee, that so much of the act of Congress entitled 'An act making provision for the debt of the United States' as assumes the payment of the State debts, is repugnant to the constitution of the United States, as it goes to the exercise of a power not expressly granted to the general government.

"Resolved, That so much of the act entitled 'An act making provision for the debt of the United States' as limits the right of the United States in their redemption of the public debt is dangerous to the rights and subversive of the interests of the people, and demands the marked disapprobation of the General Assembly."

DEAR SIR,

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON.

Boston, 28th Nov., 1790.

On returning from Exeter the evening before the last, I had the pleasure of receiving your letter of the 13th inst. with the two copies mentioned in it. Having no apprehension of such measures, what was to be done appeared to me a question of some difficulty as well as importance. To treat them as very important might render them more so than I think they are. The author of McFingal could do justice to the subject. The assumption will do its own work. It will justify itself, and not want advocates. Every indecent interference of State assemblies will diminish their influence. The national government has only to do what is right, and if possible, be silent. If compelled to speak, it should be in few words, strongly evincive of tem

per, dignity, and self-respect. Conversation and desultory paragraphs will do the rest.

The national government gains ground in these countries, and I hope care will be taken to cherish the national spirit which is prevailing in them. The deviation from contract touching interest does not please very universally. An individual remarked, that while Congress thought themselves authorized to take such liberties, private property could not be secure in a national bank.

Yours affectionately,

JOHN JAY.

FROM GEORGE WASHINGTON.

MY DEAR SIR,

Philadelphia, Sept. 4th, 1791.

The indisposition, and consequent absence from Mount Vernon, of my nephew, Major Washington, to whom the care of my private business is intrusted, makes it indispensably necessary for me to go home before the meeting of Congress.

My stay there will be longer or shorter, according to circumstances; but it cannot exceed the middle of October, as I must be back before the meeting of that body.

Will you permit me, my dear sir, to make a similar request to the one I did last year, and to pray that your ideas may not be confined to matters merely judicial, but extended to all other topics which have, or may occur to you, as fit subjects for general or private communications. With sincere esteem and affectionate regard,

I am, my dear sir,

Your obedient and very humble servant,

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

DEAR SIR,

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

New-York, 23d Sept., 1791.

My first idea was to have made a sketch of what, in my opinion, would be proper on the occasion; but finding in the progress of it that my information relative to the actual state of affairs was not sufficiently particular, and in several respects defective, it became necessary to confine myself to general remarks.

How far the present fiscal arrangements require amendments or additions, can best be ascertained of the secretary. I recollect one case which should be provided for, viz. where bribes are offered to revenue officers. It will rarely happen that the offer of a bribe can be proved, except by the man to whom it is offered, and if he be disqualified (by being interested in the penalty) from giving testimony, the offender must be acquitted. Auxiliary provisions may, in the execution of other parts of these statutes, have been found wanting; this merits inquiry. If amendments are contemplated, it may be proper to observe, that as all new institutions are liable to defects which experience only can discover, it may be useful to consider whether the revenue laws require any amendments to render them more competent to their objects.

Whether it is intended to bring forward any and what plans for additional supplies, I know not; if it is, some general ideas leading the attention that way might be expedient. If not, perhaps it would be well to observe, that the existing revenues being equal to the ordinary exigences of the nation, it will not. be necessary to increase them for any other purpose than that of reducing the public debt. This idea, I think, should be constantly held up.

If there should this year be a surplus of revenue, the whole or part of which could be spared for domestic objects, might it not be best to apply it towards discharging

the French debt, and to introduce the recommendation by some observations like these, viz. that the friendly disposition and aids of the king and people of France had been highly conducive to the establishment of our liberty and independence; and therefore that they might, with great propriety, expect from the United States every mark of attention which their and our circumstances might render eligible. That the cause of liberty and good government was the cause of all mankind; and that the exertions of the citizens of France to introduce and establish those blessings, not only merited general approbation, but were particularly entitled to our best wishes for their success. That the United States could not better evince this friendly disposition than by applying part of their revenues towards paying the debt due to France, at a season when, from the derangements incident to revolutions, it could not fail of being both acceptable and useful.

Indian affairs afford another topic, but on this subject my information is too limited to, enable me to see things as they probably are. But be they as they may, it might answer a good purpose occasionally to hint at the justice and policy of treating those nations with benevolencé, and with constant regard to good faith.

If circumstances of importance should make it proper to say any thing of the territories, and the immediate government of the United States, it would afford an opportunity of recommending the encouragement of schools, and the policy of assisting the settlers in making such highways as might open and facilitate communications with the adjacent States.

As to foreign affairs, I am inclined to think that at present little, if any thing, should be said about them; unless some matters very interesting to the United States should have occurred. It is said, that a minister from England may soon be expected. He may, or he may not come. The disposition of that court towards us cannot yet, I believe,

be unequivocally ascertained. To be silent, and thereby to avoid either courting or irritating them, appears to me advisable in the present moment.

The judicial system undoubtedly calls for revision; but I rather think it will be better to include it generally among those other subjects heretofore recommended, which it may be necessary again to mention, than to make any pointed remarks respecting it.

To convey necessary information, and to suggest useful hints on the one hand, and on the other so to do both as to cause as few questions or divisions as possible in framing the addresses in answer, seems to be all that can be requisite.

All things have their order. All that ought to be done, cannot be done at once. Those, therefore, of the greatest present importance should take the lead, and the rest be reserved for future sessions.

As to publie and private communications, it strikes mé that the former should contain only important and public information, and in generals; and that details, as well as intelligence of a more secret nature, or of lesser importance, should be conveyed by message.

The census is a subject about which much might, but little need be said, the observations pertinent to it being obvious. I think that something should be said, generally and cautiously (by way of information), of the proceedings in the business of the federal district; and if necessary, the details may be communicated by message. Of the bank, I doubt the expediency of saying any thing; especially as its affairs are under the management of its directors.

Thus, my dear sir, I have committed to paper what passed in my mind relative to these subjects with that freedom which your friendship invites, and without that caution and reserve which a sense of your judgment, experience, and discretion tends naturally to create.