difficulties would be some danger of detection, and some danger that the same planters who incur the expense would not always reap the advantage. The British sugar interest is immense, and exerts an immense influence on British thought and legislation. It was not able to prevent the passage of laws for abolishing the slave-trade first, and slavery itself afterwards; but it has proved itself able to substitute apprenticeship for slavery, and the getting of cheap labor in some way, at all events, for the slave-trade. Its influence shows itself palpably in Lord John Russell's proposal, that the leading nations of Christendom shall unite in a systematic importation of cheap labor from China for everybody's use, as a means of tempting Spain to fulfil her treaties.

Other influences doubtless conspire with these; but it is evident that the interests of British holders of Spanish securities, of British naval officers, avaricious of prize money, and of British sugar planters, all acting in the same direction, must exert a powerful influence on British thought and action. It is no wonder that they are able, in some degree, to mislead the government in respect to the best course for the extinction of the slave-trade.

The "Coolie trade," as it is improperly called, which is proposed as a substitute for the slave trade, deserves an extended and thorough discussion by itself. Our space only allows a look at it from one point of view. It proposes to get labor done in the West Indies, on such terms, that the planters can pay the expense of finding and hiring the laborers in China, pay the expense of transporting them. to the West Indies, and back again at the end of their term of service, and make money by the operation. To accomplish this, contracts must be made with men who do not know the value of labor in the West Indies, and who can be induced, by taking advantage of that ignorance, to bind themselves to work for so much less than their labor is worth, as will enable the planters to meet all those other expenses and make a profit. If during their term of service they learn how they have been cheated and show symptoms of rebellion, they must be reduced to order, and made to fulfil the contract into which they had thus fraudulently been induced to enter. It is vain to think of making such a system tolerable by regulations. It is intrinsically incapable of being honestly and humanely executed. Its whole operation is prompted by avarice, and the contracts can only be obtained by fraud and enforced by oppression. It is probable, however, that Great Britain will try it for a time, before resorting to effectual measures for the extinction of the slave trade.

And yet, we do not see why she needs to do it. If the slave trade and "Coolie" trade were both stopped, the price of labor in the West Indies would rise, and the price of sugar would rise; but Cuba would no longer be able, by working to death cargoes of newly imported Africans, to sell sugar cheaper than Jamaica could, and the British planter would be as well off, in comparison, as while both trades continue. The only enduring evil would be, that the consumers of sugar must pay an additional penny or two a pound for it.

We have said that while Great Britain indulges Spain in conniving

at the slave trade, it is the duty of our government to restrain our own citizens, and others residing or being within our jurisdiction, from engaging in it. For this last-mentioned purpose, probably some further legislation is needed; especially, to prevent members or agents of foreign houses from using our ports for some of the preliminary, but essentially important operations for a slave trading voyage, and perhaps for holding American vessels, transferred by a sham or even a real sale to foreign slave trading owners or masters, still responsible to our laws. The addition of a few small armed steamers to our African and West India squadrons might also be advisable; though the few now employed are capturing slavers so fast that the traffic can not long stand such losses. All such points, we trust, will receive the careful and efficient attention of Congress at its next session.

A word more, on a proposal, so absurd that even one word ought not to be needed; the proposal, not formally made, but suggested in some newspapers and speeches in Congress, that Africans, taken from slave-ships, instead of being sent to Africa, should be retained in this country and civilized. The precise mode of civilizing them, we believe, has not yet been even suggested. If they are to be civilized by an apprenticeship, somewhat like the British, where shall it be done? In the slave-holding States, such a class of "free negroes" would be thought inconvenient. None of those States, we suppose, have, or would enact, laws for the government and protection of such "apprentices;" and the Federal Government has no constitutional power to make laws for their government within the jurisdiction of any State. And what should be done with them at the end of their apprenticeship? Must they be sold as vagabonds? In the nonslave-holding States, no body would consent to have such “ apprentices." See, on this subject, the letter of Mr. Adams, Secretary of State, to Messrs. Gallatin and Rush, of Nov. 2, 1818, in Kennedy's Report, p. 273, and of Mr. Rush to Lord Castlereagh, Dec. 21, 1818, p. 275. Shall they be kept in the United States, to be civilized, as slaves? Any arrangement of this kind would be a virtual opening of the slave trade by the authority of the United States. Slave ships might be sent to Africa, purchase and ship their cargoes, (if Great Britain continues to permit such things to be done there,) bring them into our ports, and pass them through cheap forms of seizure and condemnation into the hands of planters who want them; as was habitually done at Darien, Ga., and other ports, from 1808 to 1819. See Report of Secretary of the Treasury to the House of Representatives, Jan. 11, 1820, with enclosures, in Kennedy's Report, pp. 249-258. See also, Kennedy, pp. 229–246.

The experience of our Government from the law prohibiting the importation of slaves after January 1, 1808, to the Act of March 3, 1819, conclusively proved that, in order to suppress the slave-trade between our own ports and the coast of Africa, the re-captured slaves must not be allowed to pass under the jurisdiction of any of the States, but must be retained in the custody of the United States Government, till sent out of the country; and for this reason arrangements were made for returning them to Africa. For this reason, the

Act of March 3, 1819, was passed, and the agency in Africa for recaptured Africans was established.

For many years, Great Britain pursued the same policy, settling her re-captives, first at Sierra Leone, and afterward at Bathurst, at the mouth of the Gambia, and on Macarthy's Island, far up that river. If she would resume that policy, she would be obliged to plant other settlements on other parts of the coast; and each settlement would make the exportation of slaves impossible in its vicinity. She has abundant materials for commencing such settlements, and preparing them for the reception of re-captured slaves. She has nearly, if not quite, a million of acclimated subjects of African descent. On the Gambia, in Sierra Leone, and on the gold and slave coasts, all in tropical Africa, she must have very nearly a hundred thousand, native to the climate. In the West Indies, her emancipated slaves are eight hundred thousand; and among her black and colored population there, are men of good character and education, who are anxious to plant new British colonies in Africa, for the purpose, among others, of aiding in the extinction of the slave trade; of which desire the British Government has had official information for ten or twelve years. And even without planting colonies, she might station such men, as traders, or as consuls, or consular agents, all along the coast, as is done at Lagos, so that not a cargo of slaves could be collected without their knowing it in season to inform a British cruiser. So entirely has Great Britain the means of suppressing the slave trade. And the possession of the means, especially when obtained for that purpose, with the assent, asked and granted, of the whole civilized world, imposes the obligation.

THE SLAVE TRADE.

The following paragraphs, by Chief Justice Fitzpatrick, confirm strongly the views of the colonizationists as to the slave-tade. The most efficacious means will be found in colonies and legitimate com

merce.

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"I was engaged from 1847 to 1854 in the administration of justice on the West Coast of Africa, and having had constant and intimate relations with the people of the country during that period, I am able to speak with some authority, both as to the character of the people and the influence of the British settlements on the coast. As to the former, I found them a docile, grateful, and justice-loving people; and I should be very unmindful of many acts of kindness received from them if I were not always ready to acknowledge their good qualities. I had of necessity many obnoxious duties to discharge, but ntowithstanding this I traveled constantly night and day unarmed through the country, and I was not once insulted or molested by the people.

As to the comparative merits of the British Squadron and the British settlements along the coast, my experience would lead me to agree in a great measure with the writer of the extract from The West

African Herald. I think the settlements the more efficacious instruments as well for the prevention of thes lave-trade as for the fostering of legitimate commerce and civilization. I don't think out of the entire expenditure of Great Britain there is a single item which produces such an abundant return in the prevention of cruelty and inhumanity, and the maintenance of peace, as the trifling sum which is annually voted for her Majesty's settlements on the Gold Coast. I may give one instance of their good effect in connection with the barbarous practice of offering human sacrifices on the celebration of Customs' in honor of the dead. In the year of 1849 I administered the government of these settlements, and in that year a celebrated African chief sent his chief interpreter to me with the present of a leopard's skin, and a message to the effect that he was dying-that since he became a friend of the English he liked their justice, that he was anxious that his people should continue to obey the Queen of England and her laws, and that he had given a solemn injunction to his heir to have no human sacrifices offered on his grave. It was only a few years before that this same chief sacrificed 400 persons on the grave of his own mother. On this occasion, however, his heir faithfully obeyed his dying injunction.

THE WAY TO LIGHT.

The spirit of grace and charity, of justice, of brotherly kindness and universal benevolence, is the only security of our nation. Let every one implore this spirit for himself. Let him say to his neighbor, "Come, let us return to the Lord, and He will have mercy upon us, and to our God, and He will abundantly pardon." Selfishness is ever a disturbing force in society. Mutual hatred buries us in darkness. Let us meditate on the words of the Apostle John: "He that saith he is in the light and hateth his brother, is in darkness, even until now. He that loveth his brother abideth in the light, and there is none occasion of stumbling in him; but he that hateth his brother is in darkness, and walketh in darkness, and knoweth not whither he goeth, because that darkness hath blinded his eyes." "What is more wanted," says a venerable Christian minister, "than Union-saving mass meetings, than eloquent speeches, than the wisest human counsels, than anything, than everything else, is prayer-humble, effectual, fervent prayer. As David in his extremity said of the sword of Goliath, there is none like it,' so there is no weapon, no defense, like that which enlists infinite wisdom and almighty strength." Let us, then, offer daily united, fervent prayer for all in authority, and for all the inhabitants of our country, that the spirit of grace, wisdom, love, and peace may abide with them forever.

MISSIONARY INTELLIGENCE.

Bishop Payne on his return from Africa, takes a survey of the wide field for Missionary labors to the East and Southeast from Grand Cape Mount, a field which he represents as almost wholly unoccupied, and he asks earnestly:

"Shall we not occupy it-occupy it at once?

First.-Here we have a healthy station, undoubtedly, on the coast, from which to radiate, and which might be a recruiting station for missionaries residing at other points along the coast.

Second. Here is a most interesting, unoccupied field, extending hundreds of miles interior, among the best African tribes

Thirdly. If we do not occupy it, the Mahometans will.

Let me very earnestly recommend then to the Foreign Committee

First. To invite firm friends, whose hearts may be inclined by the above statement, to subscribe to build a small mission house immediately on Cape Mount. I will promise, God willing, to have it done, if funds be provided, eighteen months hence.

Second-To invite some one or more brethren, whose hearts may be touched by the above statement, to this particular field. If I might, I would delight to engage in it.

Is it asked why so interesting a field has not heretofore been brought before the Church? The reply is, that until very recently it has been closed by the slave trade. It is now open. God grant us faith to enter it!"

Mr. and Mrs. Messenger had established themselves at Bohlen Station. Mrs. Messenger writes:

"I cannot describe the wild beauty of this country. We are right among the mountains; we cannot look in any direction without seeing them near and at a distance. Toward the south we see Mount Gero, its summit reaching to the clouds, and thickly covered with trees and jungle. Rice farms are to be seen in every direction, appearing like so many fields of green wheat or rich meadows, while from the valleys the palm trees wave their feathery branches in the breeze.

What an Eden might the hand of civilization make of this country, that God, with lavish kindness,' has so beautifully adorned with all things lovely in nature, and where no chilling blasts come to wither or destroy."

"We planned an addition to the house. Mr. M. marked off the garden, a good large one, and left a man there to work. Started home on Friday about ten o'clock, and got to Cavala Saturday about five, found all things doing well; and although we were sorry to leave Bohlen, yet we were glad to get home. I am very well satisfied to live in the interior, and I think I shall like the people up there better than I do those here."

The Spirit of Missions for September and October, has much interesting intelligence from Rev. Jacob Rambo, and other Missionaries of the Protestant Episcopal Church at Cape Palmas and its vicinity.

March 4th, Mr. Rambo writes:

"A BLESSED DAY.-Preached at St. James' Church, Hoffman Station. The larger part of St. Mark's congregation crossed over the branch of the river in boats and canoes, to St. James. This is rather more than half a mile from St. Mark's."

"Beside the 125 colonists there may have been 250 natives, including the Christians and scholars. The service was read in English by Rev. Mr. Crummell, and I preached. Mr. C. administered the communion to about 55 persons, half of them being native converts.

One thing was unusual; all the heathen natives, even the children, stayed in the church and remained very quiet during the whole of the communion. All seem to take an interest, and listened attentively to an address from Mr. Crummell, before the communion."