"Komagata Maru" was made in Vancouver on the 25th of June, but the appeal will be heard in Victoria. Whatever the result the unsuccessful party will appeal to the Supreme Court of Canada and subsequently to the Privy Council. The Indians feel that they are being unlawfully detained in the ship, and as British subjects they are entitled to have a "habeas corpus" writ having for its object to bring them before a court or judge for inquiring into the lawfulness of the restraint to which they are being subjected.

That all British subjects are entitled, when necessary, to have this kind of writ is clear from the recent House of Commons resolution.

The charter money for the vessel has been paid until September 20th, the date for her redelivery at Hongkong.

The Board of Inquiry has suspended its sittings.

The rumour that a Norwegian steamer has left Calcutta with four hundred Hindus on board is creating a stir in Victoria.

In connection with the situation of the Hindus on board the "Komagata Maru" the Khalsa Akhbar at Lyallpur has receiv. ed the following telegram, which may throw some light on the situation in Vancouver:

VANCOUVER B. C., June 23rd.

The "Komagata Maru" Indian passengers unlawfully imprisoned on board. Provisions, water, legaladvisors and friends are prevented. A mass meeting protested against such brutal and unlawful treatment. The Hindustanis can never forget nor forgive. Give wide publicity.-Umrao Sing, Secretary.

The attitude of the Canadians and all white men who support them, is quite iniquitous. While white men claim, at the point of the bayonet when necessary, to go and settle or sojourn anywhere on the surface of the earth, "coloured" men, particularly Indians, are supposed not to possess the right to labour for wages in a "white" colony. There is a humorous side to this claim of the colonists to exclude "coloured" labourers. For these "white" colonies rightfully belong to "coloured" aborigines, who have been deprived of their patrimony by force and in many places totally annihilated.

By their attitude the white colonists seem to say, "We have the might, and we will do what we please." we please." But this naturally excites a bellicose mood among

non-whites, and so ultimately makes for breach of peace. For he does not know history or has read it in vain. who thinks that races of men are destined to occupy their respective positions of superiority and inferiority for ever. The whirligig of time brings on strange revenges. Besides, if might is declared to be synonymous with right, human civilization, like Nature, would for aye be "red in tooth and claw," instead of having more and more an ethical basis with the process of the suns.

Meanwhile, we should prevent any feeling of resentment arising in our breasts. Resentment is waste of energy, and, what is worse, is unspiritual. What we ought to do is to resolve to be strong in our mother-land and to help our countrymen in trouble. Those who are in touch with our brethren in Canada ought to ascertain how we can help them, and render them the kind of service needed in co-operation with the inhabitants of all the provinces of India. They ought not to be left to fight the battle of the Motherland unaided.

Telegrams published in the papers dated 29th June are given below:

is likely to continue to create serious difficulties in one colony after another until it is seriously faced by the Imperial authorities and clearly defined principles, by which it may be dealt with every where, laid down. A great part of the grievances under which British Indians at present labour are due to the uncertainty and lack of uniformity in the conditions imposed upon immigrants by the different States of the Empire. Whilst the South African Parliament is discussing a measure designed to remove at all events the most serious of the disabilities imposed on Indians in that country, the Canadian Government is wondering how to deal with the problem of a shipload of coloured British subjects awaiting permission to land at Vancouver. It is impossible of course to deny to any self-governing community the right to decide who shall and who shall not have the privilege of becoming a member of it, and knowing what we now do of the evils arising from a mixture of races cannot even question the wisdom of a which may result in British subjects being treated as Ishmaelites in British territory. But it is equally clear that the great population of India must be allowed some effective, even if definitely limited, outlet. Amongst the problems which the next Imperial Conference will have to consider there is none more important than this."

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decision

We do not see why a "self-governing community should be licensed to do wrong, specially when the self-governing British colonies are so by grace of the mother country and are unable to do without the protection of the latter for a single day. Their arrogance is on a par with their helplessness.

No principle of conduct is sound that is not based on reciprocity. If the British Colonies exclude India, they ought to agree to be excluded from India. It is bound to come to that sooner or later. The self-respect of Indians will not allow them to accept a situation which involves an admission of inferiority. We want perfect freedom of movement, not "a definitely limited outlet." We know cannot have it for the asking; but we mean to develop the strength behind the demand which will make it irresistible.

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As for "the evils arising from a mixture of races, no white man is entitled to refer to them as a ground for excluding "coloured" men from "white" colonies, unless he proposes at the same time to deport all white persons from regions inhabited by non-white races from time immemorial.

Whites and non-whites are all subject to the laws of the universe.

White journalists cannot be reminded too often that though Maxim guns, dreadnaughts and aeroplanes suffice to intimidate man, they can not frighten God. In international relations God is treated as a

fiction, or, at best, as a hypothesis. But it is to be hoped "self-governing" communities will discover before it is too late that He is a fact.

"The Times" denounces acquisitiveness!

The Times has recently written that it is unnecessary for Indians to emigrate to other countries, and that it is the excessive acquisitiveness of the people of the Panjab which has led them to go to Canada. Fancy an inhabitant of Europe criticizing the desire to acquire and possess wealth! It is no libel to say that Mammon has no more singleminded and devout worshippers than the white races. But perhaps The Times is about to renounce the world and don the robes of the faqir and is therefore in a preaching mood.

We are the Eternal Baby among nations. We do not know what is good for us, not even when and where to go in search of food. Will Nurse Times replenish our empty feeding bottle, or has she in her pious mood prescribed for us the penance of fasting for ever and a day for the sin of not being a "self-governing" baby?

Dr. Morrison on China.

Reuter has cabled that Dr. Morrison, political adviser to the President of the Chinese Republic, has arrived in London from Pekin. He expresses the utmost confidence in the recent progress of affairs in China, and in the peaceful outcome of the recent changes. When he left China the outlook seemed better than at any other time in his experience. He denies that Yuan Shi-Kai has cut himself off from the Young China party, or that he aims at a family dynasty. He has endeavoured to draw his advisers from every party in the State, and has even approached men who were formerly reputed to be his leading enemies. On the President's staff there are at least forty men who have been trained in England or America, and sixty more trained in Japan. Dr. Morrison also states that the recent attacks on China's financial policy are unwarranted.

We are glad to find in Dr. Morrison's statements confirmation of what Dr. J. T. Sunderland wrote in our last number on Chinese affairs.

Sir Richard Dane also, who is now in London, says he likes China and believes

in it. In his opinion the general position is improving steadily.

There is no more welcome news than that a people are succeeding in the work of self-government.

The late Munshi Gangaprasad Varma. In Munshi Gangaprasad Varma India loses a genuine patriot. He was a man of spotless purity of character, strong common sense, wide knowledge of affairs and tireless industry. He had not had much school education, but nevertheless by dint of hard work he came to occupy a most distinguished position in the public life of his province. He did good work in the fields of education, sanitation, politics, social reform and industrial revival. His native town of Lucknow, of which he was vice-chairman of the municipality, owes to him a fine park, a free library and reading room, and many other improvements. He attended every

session of the Indian

National Congress, the first when he was only 22, and would undoubtedly have become its president had he lived longer. He owned and edited the Advocate (English semi-weekly) and the Hindustani (Urdu weekly). He was a man of very regular habits and took great care of his health. He had a robust frame. The news of his premature death at the early age of 51 has therefore come to his personal friends with very painful surprise.

We have to record with sorrow that in the United Provinces, though there are some who are more famous and distinguished, there is no one left who can fill the place which Munshi Gangaprasad occupied with honour to himself and benefit to his country.

The return of Mr. Tilak from jail.

We rejoice at the safe return of Mr. Bal Gangadhar Tilak from jail and wish him many years of usefulness to his country and the world at large.

It has always been difficult to say what words or deeds constitute a political offence and what do not. That difficulty has increased in these days of drilling, gun-running and other rebellious preparations made with impunity by Ulstermen. But it is safe to say that a political offence does not necessarily imply that the offender is guilty of moral turpitude.

Every sincere patriot who has been convicted of sedition and sent to jail but

nevertheless feels that he was innocent, may derive strength and consolation from the following lines of Wordsworth :Live, and take comfort. Thou hast left behind Powers that will work for thee; air, earth, and skies; There's not a breathing of the common wind That will forget thee; thou hast great allies; Thy friends are exultations, agonies, And love, and man's unconquerable mind. The Indian Relief Bill in South Africa.

The Indian Relief Bill has passed both houses of the South African Union Parliament. We are glad our countrymen in South Africa have now been relieved of

the most galling and humiliating restrictions, disabilities and impositions.

Indians will cease to have any grievances regarding emigration within the Empire when they win the right of perfect freedom of movement within it.

As for rights of citizenship throughout the British Empire, we can not hope to have them until we have got them in our own country. That in its turn will depend on our civic strength, to be acquired by progress in sanitation, education and co-operation.

The Color-line in the education

department.

Professor Jadunath Sarkar does not require any introduction to educated Indians; least of all to readers of this Review. His career at the university was very brilliant, culminating in his winning the Premchand Roychand studentship. As a writer of English, as far as we can judge, he is second to no man in the Indian Educational Service. As a Professor he has been eminently successful. He has been Senior Professor of history at Patna College for the last fifteen years and has lectured to the M. A. classes in that subject with distinction. He has done original work in history of great value. His "History of Aurangzib" has been recognised both in India and Europe as a "most trustworthy and scholarly" work which "holds the reader breathless." After the death of Mr. William Irvine he is unquestionably the greatest living authority on the Mughal period. Such a man is in the Provincial Educational Service only because he is an Indian. It would have been bare justice if he had been promoted to the Indian Educational Service and allowed to keep the designation of Senior Professor of History. But

that has not been done; Mr. W. Owston Smith, Professor, Wesleyan College, Bankura, has been appointed to the 1. E. S. and is to become Senior Professor of History, Patna College. Mr. Smith is a very brilliant graduate, and we are sure his academic distinction shows that he is not unfit for a post in the I. E. s. We have not the least desire to say a word against him. What we are concerned with is to show that a great injustice has been done to Prof. Sarkar. For Prof. Sarkar, too,is a man of great academic distinction. In addition, he possesses long experience as a successful professor, distinction as a lecturer on history to the M. A. classes, and well-won fame as an original historian, endowed with scholarship, critical acumen and great industry. It cannot be said of Mr. Smith that he is as experienced and distinguished a professor as Mr. Sarkar, nor that he has achieved equal distinction. by historical research of acknowledged worth. Even if he were equal to Prof. Sarkar in every respect, there would be no justification for his superseding the latter. It is only a man who is unquestionably superior to Mr. Sarkar in every respect who might have been placed above him with some justification; but Mr. Smith is not such a man. And as far as we are aware, there is no man in the I. E. S. who is superior or even equal to Prof. Sarkar in original scholarship in history.

We have heard that some officials say that as the Royal Public Services Commission have not yet concluded their deliberations and published their recommendations, Government is not in a position to promote any P. E. S. man to the I. E. S. But is Government waiting for the report of that Commission where the interests of European public servants are concerned? The emoluments of covenanted civilians have been increased in many provinces, in spite of the fact that the increment of their salary is one of the questions for the consideration of the commission. Again, whether one-third or some such proportion of the I. E. S. appointments should be given to Indian graduates, is another such question. But in the meantime Government is filling the I. E. S. with European graduates in such breathless haste that it is not probable that for the next quarter of a century or more there would be any vacancies left for Indian graduates to fill.

But there is a more telling fact against the position taken up by the supporters of the Government policy. We understand that Mr. J. V. Francis, Professor of Drawing and Irrigation in the Civil Engineering College, Sibpur, has been promoted to the Indian Educational Service, although he is a mere passed overseer of the Rurki Thomson Engineering College. Why has he been promoted before the publication of the report of the Commission?

The India Council Bill.

The progressive features in Lord Crewe's India Council Bill are that two places are proposed to be given in the Council by Statute to persons "domiciled in India" and that the elective principle is recognised in filling up these two, though in a very remote and roundabout way. We do not like the phrase "domiciled in India." The right, small as it is, ought to be given solely to the pure natives of India. Otherwise there is just a chance of its being snatched away by the Anglo-Indians who call themselves the domiciled community.

The Indian National Congress demand that at least a third of the seats in the Council should go to Indians, was very moderate and should have been conceded. The places given to Indians should be filled by direct election, not by selection by the Secretary of State from among a list of 40 persons chosen by the non-official numbers of the Indian Legislative Councils. Nonofficial members include many persons nominated by Government, some of whom are more hostile to the people's cause than official members. Many of them are Europeans, and therefore naturally inclined to take the official view of persons and things. The power of choice ought, therefore, to be givenonly to the elected Indian members of the legislative councils.

At present the India Council meets once a week. Considering that it is entrusted with the duty of administering the affairs of a vast country containing 315 millions of persons, it meets none too often. The Bill proposes that it will meet when called by the Secretary of State. We think it should be provided that the interval between two successive meetings should not be more than seven days, though it may be shorter. The Bill also proposes to empower the Secretary of State to issue orders in certain matters without consulting his

their

Council. We are of opinion that these matters should be only affairs of mere routine. If the Secretary of State possesses the power to decide important questions without the aid of his Council, what is the use of keeping a highly paid body of ten members drawing salaries from povert y-stricken India? It is not safe to vest any man with autocratic powers, especially when that man possesses no first-hand knowledge of the country whose affairs he administers and lives a distance of thousands of miles from it without much chance of any but the faintest echoes of its public opinion reaching him.

It is supposed that each member of the reformed council will be placed in charge of a portfolio dealing with particular department of the Government of India, and that the Indian members will not be entrusted with such duties. Bureaucracy seated in our midst is bad cnough, but bureaucracy working in an office separated from us by seas and continents is worse. What would make the situation still more lamentable is that the London bureaucrats would be for the most part men whose experience of India, such as it generally is, would not be quite recent, but would be enough to make them arrogantly obstinate in their unwisdom. Council government is understood to be a system of government in which the officers have an associated authority and responsibility. But if for it be substituted a system of carrying on the business of government by means of departments, each under the control of a chief, the name "council" should not be used in connection with it. If the Indian members are to have the position which the Maharaja of Durbhanga is said to occupy in the Behar Executive Council, they had better stay at home.

It is proposed to pay each member €1200 per annum, the Indian members being paid £ 600 each extra, because they would have to serve away from home. This is a clever device, intended to justify the extravagantly large salaries paid to European officials in India for doing work for which Indian officials are paid sometimes two-thirds, sometimes half, and sometimes a quarter of what the former get. But the device will not serve its purpose. If there were as many highly paid Indian officers in Great Britain and

Ireland as there are highly paid British officers in India, and if each officer, Indian or British got half as much again as his fellow officer serving in his mother country, then it could be said that salaries were paid in the British Empire on just principles. But as that is not to be, it is childish and ridiculous to seek to justify the bloated salaries paid to Europeans in India by paying a paltry £600 each a year extra to only two men from India.

come

It may appear absurd that we should even imagine that there could be such a thing as the employment of Indians in England in such large numbers as Europeans are employed in India. But why not? If the British Empire be one and if the equality of all British subjects spoken of in the Queen's Proclamation be not mere words, why should not all races inhabiting the empire expect to be employed in all its parts? We know it may never pass. But just as a Kashmiri serving in Cape Comorin cannot expect to be paid more than the usual salary, because India is one; so a Scotchman serving in Burma should not expect extra emoluments, for the British empire is one. If he won't come for the ordinary salary, he need not. As a matter of fact, a civilian gets a lower salary in Ceylon than in India. American officials in the Philippines get lower salaries than British officials in India. Covenanted civilians, I.E.S. men, professors in missionary colleges and schools, and assistants in large trading firms, are not paid on the same scale. Yet there is no reason to suppose that the I.C.S. man is a god and the merchants' assistant a mere mortal.

The salary of the Secretary of State and those of the members of his council ought to be paid from the British treasury. That would enable members of parliament to easily make the Secretary of State responsible to parliament. It would also be a very small measure of financial justice to India. India. The pecuniary gain to the people of the United Kingdom from India being within the British Empire is far greater than the pecuniary advantage derived by the people of India from the British connection. Therefore bare justice requires that the United Kingdom should pay half the cost of the British administration of India. The payment of the salaries of the Secretary of State and his council by it is a small fraction of that measure of justice.