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sade recommended by several influential ecclesiastics, | little prepared for conviction by argument in the among whom was Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury, while he was assisted by Bedel, Bishop of Kilmore, and Dr. Joseph Hall, Bishop of Exeter.

In 1634, Dury, after publishing his plan of union, commenced his active operations; but as these could scarcely be otherwise than unsuccessful, a brief notice of them may suffice. In the year above mentioned he attended a famous assembly of the evangelical churches of Germany at Frankfort. In the same year, also, the churches of Transylvania sent him their advice and counsel. From this period until 1661 he seems to have been employed in incessant action, moving in every direction, negotiating with the clergy of Denmark and Sweden, consulting the universities, and communicating their answers; and although, after so much labour, the prospect of religious union appeared as hopeless as ever, he neither abandoned hope, nor remitted in his exertions. The elasticity of belief, however, which such an enterprise was calculated to create, was manifested in his own career: as a Presbyterian, he was one of the members of the Assembly of Divines, and one of the preachers before the Long Parliament, but subsequently he became an Independent. But let him change or accommodate his creed as he might, his purpose remained unchanged; and, directing his pilgrimage to Germany, he previously applied to the clergy of Utrecht for an authentic testimony of their good intentions towards his scheme of religious accommodation; and, to encourage them, he informed them of the hopeful state in which he had left the affair with the King of Great Britain and the Elector of Brandenburg, of what had been transacted at the court of Hesse, and the measures which had actually been taken at Geneva, Heidelberg, and Metz. Having obtained from the clergy of Utrecht the desired testimonial, which he might show to the Germans, he annexed it to a Latin work which he published in 1661 at Amsterdam, under the title of Johannis Dura Irenicorum Tractatuum Prodromus, &c. Hav. ing visited Germany, and being at Frankfort in April, 1662, his conversation with some gentlemen at Metz about M. Ferri, an amiable enthusiast of their city, who, like himself, laboured to reconcile religious differences, inspired him with the resolution to visit Metz; but here two difficulties occurred-he must accommodate himself to the fashions of the place by shaving off his large white square beard, and dressing himself in the French costume. These, however, important though they might appear to others, were small difficulties to one who for the sake of a righteous enterprise was willing to become all things to all men; and on his arrival at Metz, M. Ferri was so transported with the distinction which such a visit conferred upon him, that he went out to meet Dury in a "complete undress." [Such is the phrase used by his biographer, but its meaning we cannot clearly understand.] The delight of that meeting was mutual, and the good men had a long conference upon the subject of religious union which each had so much at heart.

In this brief summary we have comprised the history of the labour of forty years, at the end of which Dury found that he had only sowed the wind and reaped the whirlwind. The religious world was as

seventeenth century as it had been by the sword of Charles V. in the sixteenth; and the Lutheran and Calvinistic churches were still as far apart and still as irreconcilable as ever. Thus Dury found them in 1674, when the fire of his enterprise was exhausted, and when he was too old to work. It was only then also that his bold heart yielded to the conviction that all had been done in vain. Still hopeful, however, that truth would ultimately prevail, and the world, although at a remote period, be at one, Dury suspected that he had gone the wrong way to work, and hastened to change his tactics. It was no longer the union merely of the Calvinistic and Lutheran churches which he sought, but of all the Christian churches at large, and this he conceived might be best effected by giving a new exposition of the Apocalypse. This he did in a little treatise written in French, and published at Frankfort in 1674. It was his last morsel of bread cast upon the waters, and he hoped it might appear and be available on earth after he had passed to the more perfect union in heaven. He had now, however, obtained an honourable shelter, where he could spend the rest of his days in comfort, and die in peace. This was from Hedwig Sophia, Princess of Hesse, and regent of the principality, who assigned him a commodious lodging, with a liberal table, and a free postage for his letters, so that he might carry on his extensive correspondence; and here he died, but in what year we are unable to discover. Of the piety and sincerity of Dury there can be no doubt, whatever may be thought of his wisdom and discretion. The world as yet was not fully aware of the difficulty of reconcil. ing contending churches; and he failed by prematurely attempting to accomplish what our own day is still unable to effect. Much writing as well as travelling occupied his long and active life; and his published works, of which the following is a list, show the shades and changes of opinion which his mind underwent in his impossible work of reconciling all parties to one standard:-Consultatio Theologica super Negotio Pacis Ecclesiast. Lond. 1641, 4to.—A Summary Discourse concerning the Work of Peace Ecclesiastical. Camb. 1641.-Petition to the House of Commons for the Preservation of True Religion. Lond. 1642, 4to.– Certain Considerations, showing the Necessity of a Correspondency in Spiritual Matters betwixt all Professed Churches. Lond. 1642, 4to.—Epistolary Discourse to Thomas Godwin, Phil. Nye, and Sam. Hartlib. Lond. 1644, 4to. Of Presbytery and Independency, &c. 1646, 4to.-Model of the Church Government. 1647, 4to.-Peace makes the Gospel Way. 1648, 4to.—Seasonable Discourse for Reformation. 1649, 4to.—An Epistolary Discourse to Mr. Thomas Thorowgood concerning his Conjecture that the Americans are descended from the Israelites, &c. 1649, 4to.-Considerations concerning the Engagement, 1650, with two other Pamphlets on the same Subject, in answer to an Antagonist.-The Reformed School. 1650, 12mo, with a Supplement in 1651.-The Reformed Library Keeper, 1650, 12mo, to which is added Bibliotheca Ducis Brunovicensis et Lunenburgi et Wolfenbuttel.

-Conscience Eased, &c. 1651, 4to.-Earnest Plea for Gospel Communion. 1654.—Summary Platform of Divinity. 1654.

E.

EDMONDS, COLONEL. This gallant soldier of fortune, who was born in Stirling about the close of the sixteenth century, was of humble origin, being the son of a baker (or as it was called, a baxter) in that ancient town. While a young boy, he ran away from his parents, from what cause is not recorded, and after finding his way to the Low Countries, enlisted as a common soldier in the army of Maurice, Prince of Orange. In this capacity he so highly distinguished himself by his valour and good conduct, that at last he attained the rank of colonel. After he had risen to this distinguished position, he was one day in company with several of his fellow-officers, when a man came to him who spoke Scotch. Edmonds, warming at the sound, was eager to hear the last news from Scotland, upon which the man, desirous of securing the colonel's favour, answered, "Your cousin, my lord -, is well, also your cousin" and afterwards followed a string of high-titled names, all of whom the rogue made out to be the colonel's near kinsmen. Indignant at this device to ennoble him among strangers, where the fraud might have passed unquestioned, Edmonds sharply rebuked the fellow, ordered him out of his presence, and then told the brilliant company that he had no such high relationship, but was nothing more than the son of a poor baxter of Stirling.

Having won fortune as well as military rank, the colonel returned to his own country; but although now a man of some mark, the same proud humility still abode with him. On returning to Stirling, the magistrates and some of the principal inhabitants went out to meet him, and conduct him to his lodg ings; but he would reside in no house but that of his parents, who were still alive. When the Earl of Mar also invited him to dinner or to supper, he refused, unless his father and mother were also invited, and placed above him at table.

In public spirit and liberality to his native town, Edmonds was not wanting. Among his other deeds of this nature, he either wholly built, or materially enlarged the manse of Stirling, a large three-storied edifice, having the baker's arms placed on the east end of the building; and this manse continued until 1824, when it was taken down. He also presented the pair of colours which the town afterwards used in its public meetings and processions. The date of his death is unknown. His daughter married Sir Thomas Livingston of Jerviswood, Bart.; and her eldest son of the same name was colonel of a regiment of dragoons, a privy-councillor, commanderin-chief in Scotland, and finally raised to the peerage by William III. in 1698, under the title of Viscount Teviot; but as he died without issue, the title became extinct.

ELGIN, EARL OF. As a Scottish nobleman, this eminent statesman is entitled to a place in our records, although his birth-place was not in Scotland. James Bruce, eighth Earl of Elgin and twelfth Earl of Kincardine, was born in London on the 20th of July, 1811, and was the eldest son of Thomas, the seventh Earl of Elgin, by his second marriage with Elizabeth, daughter of James Townshend Oswald of Dunnikier, Fifeshire. He was educated first at Eton, and afterwards at Christ Church, at which the late Marquis of Dalhousie, Lord Canning, Lord Herbert of Lea,

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and Mr. Gladstone were his fellow-collegians; and while a student at the university, he was known by the title of Lord Bruce, his father being still alive. His proficiency as a scholar was attested by his being of the first-class in classics in 1832, after which he became a fellow of Merton College. His public and political life did not commence until he had reached the ripe age of thirty, when, in 1841, he entered parliament as member for Southampton, and a supporter of Sir Robert Peel. In the same year, by the death of his father, he succeeded to the earldom; but, being a Scottish peer, he could still retain his seat in the House of Commons; this, however, he resigned in 1842, in consequence of being appointed to the governor-generalship of Jamaica.

In 1846 more important political duties awaited the Earl of Elgin. At this time our important colony of Canada had many grievances both real and imaginary to complain of; but the greatest of all was the apprehended passing of the corn-law bill, at that time under the consideration of the imperial parliament. Should the bill pass into law, the principle of protection would be annihilated, and that of "buying in the cheapest market" be established in its room. In this case, how would the interests of Canada be affected? It was feared, that if the dif ferential duties on the import of colonial and foreign grain into Great Britain should be abolished, it would be impossible for the colony to compete with the United States. This the colonists represented in an earnest petition to her majesty, expressed in the following words:-"Situated as Canada is, and with a climate so severe as to leave barely one half of the year open for intercourse by the St. Lawrence with the mother country, the cost of transporting her products to market is much greater than is paid by the inhabitants of the United States; and, without a measure of protection or some equivalent advantage, we cannot successfully compete with that country.' A hint of a bolder and more significant character followed:-"It is much to be feared," the petition added, "that should the inhabitants of Canada, from the withdrawal of all protection to their staple products, find that they cannot successfully compete with their neighbours of the United States in the only market open to them, they will naturally and of necessity begin to doubt whether remaining a portion of the British empire will be of that paramount advantage which they have hitherto found it to be." Between the urgency of the corn-bill at home and the threat of secession held out by the most important of our colonies, the British ministry were in a great dilemma; and their choice of Lord Elgin to settle the difficulty shows the esteem in which he was held, and the confidence that was reposed in him. In 1846 he was appointed governor of Canada, and he cheerfully undertook the difficult commission. It is not our purpose to enter into the history of his government during the eight years over which it extended: it is enough to state that it was one of firmness tempered with peaceful conciliation, and that it was sufficient for the crisis. Adopting the policy of his father-in-law, Lord Durham, he preserved a neutrality between all parties that naturally made him the umpire of them all; and he secured their confidence, by promoting the welfare of all

alike in developing the commercial and agricultural | interests of the colony. This conduct, and the substantial benefits that accrued from it, were of such a pacificatory character, that the colonists no longer talked of secession from the mother state, while at home his services were so justly appreciated, that in 1849 he was raised to the British peerage by the title of Baron Elgin of Elgin.

It was

Scarcely had his lordship rested at home on his return from Canada, when a new commission awaited him. Our wonted quarrels with the Chinese had broken out into a regular war, and although the enemy was contemptible in an open field, the result of such a contest was doubtful, more especially as the Europeans composed but a handful, while the Chinese are supposed to constitute nearly a third of the whole human race. The contest, also, on the part of the enemy, had been aggravated by the perfidy and barbarities of the notorious Yeh, the imperial commissioner. To bring such an unpleasant war to a speedy termination, the British government resolved to send a plenipotentiary to China, armed not only with full authority to negotiate a peace, but, if necessary, with military resources to compel it; and for this important double office Lord Elgin was selected. He set sail for our Chinese settlement at Hong-Kong, which he reached in the beginning of July, 1857; but on the voyage had been met at Singapore with tidings of the sudden outburst of the Indian mutiny, and a request from Lord Canning, the governor-general, to send him whatever troops he could spare. As the loss of our Indian empire was imminent, and would have been fatal to Britain, Lord Elgin complied. Soon after, on finding that the mutiny had attained greater magnitude, he followed in person with additional troops from HongKong, wisely judging that in such an emergency the Chinese war was an affair of trivial moment. necessary, indeed, that our handful of troops in India should be reinforced with every bayonet that could be spared, when the whole country had risen in arms against them. Having thus done what he could for the preservation of our Indian empire, Lord Elgin returned to Hong-Kong, and addressed himself with diminished resources to the objects of his Chinese mission. It was soon found, however, that negotiations were useless, on account of the delays and duplicity of the Chinese statesmen, and his lordship was obliged to have recourse to his ultimate argument. This he could the more effectually do, as he had been joined by a French naval and land force, and was seconded by the representatives of Russia and the United States, who had a common interest in the quarrel. Hostilities were commenced by a movement of the English and French armaments into the Canton River; the large island of Honan, situated in the river and opposite Canton, was occupied by the confederate European troops, and Canton itself was bombarded and taken. These sharp measures, and the consciousness of the Chinese that they were no match for the "barbarians" in the arts of war, compelled them to a humiliating peace, by the terms of which trade was opened between China and Europe, and the property, safety, and rights of the foreigners in China guaranteed. All was granted which Lord Elgin demanded; and, after this successful embassy, he turned his attention to the neighbouring empire of Japan, from which a still stricter jealousy than that which prevailed in China had hitherto excluded not only European commerce, but European visitors. To obtain the opening of its ports to our traffic was the purpose of his visit, while the apology for his entrance into the Japanese waters was, that he was commissioned to present a steam

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yacht from the Queen of Great Britain to the Emperor of Japan. He persisted also in conveying this gift of his royal mistress to Jeddo, the capital, notwithstanding the endeavours of the Japanese to arrest his progress, but they were awed into compliance by the sight of the formidable steamships of war by which the British ambassador was attended. He and his suite were welcomed on shore, and the result of this embassy was a treaty of peace, friendship, and commerce between the Tycoon of Japan and the Queen of Great Britain, which was ratified at Jeddo, July 11th, 1859. Although these treaties both with China and Japan were as much owing to force as persua sion, and were made with two great nations who would be certain to reject them as soon as an opportunity occurred, the blame is not to be imputed to Lord Elgin. All that prudence, wisdom, and skilful diplomacy could effect with a people so insincere, he had used on the occasion; and it became the business of his government to see that they were kept inviolate, and to punish their infraction. It was much, also, that two such vast empires, hitherto so inaccessible for ages, and which, on that account, had become "dead seas of man," should be opened to European intercourse and civilization, although this entrance had been so rough, and might prove to be nothing more than a commencement of the attempt.

Events in China soon showed that there at least nothing more than a commencement had been made. One of the conditions of the late treaty was, that a British minister and his suite should be permanently established at Pekin; and for this office of envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary, the Honourable Mr. Bruce, brother of the Earl of Elgin, to whom this treaty was mainly owing, was appropriately nominated to the office. Every precaution also was adopted to spare the sensitive pride and suspicion of the Chinese, and, by the advice of Lord Elgin, Mr. Bruce was instructed by our government to fix the residence of the British mission at Shanghai, and only require that it should be received occasionally at Pekin. His right, however, to reside permanently in the capital was to be recognized, by his repairing to Pekin, presenting his credentials to the emperor in person, and obtaining their recognition-and forestalling the obstacles that would be thrown in his way, the British admiral commanding our naval forces in China was appointed to enter the mouth of the Peiho, and secure the safety of the mission to Pekin. And then commenced those difficulties and delays by which the Chinese had resolved to reduce the treaty to a dead-letter. Mr. Bruce, on reaching Shanghai with the French plenipotentiary, was met with a proposal from the Chinese government to have the ratifications of the treaty exchanged at that place instead of Pekin; and, on the refusal of the ambassadors, it was proposed that they should travel from Shanghai to Pekin by land, a journey of two months, instead of going to the capital by the river Peiho. But they adopted the latter mode of transit, and the Chinese fortified the river against them. The disasters that befell the British squadron in its attempts to force the passage of the Peiho are too well known to require further mention: their attacks both by land and water were defeated, and the over-confident invaders were driven back with considerable loss, and still greater disgrace, to Shanghai.

On the arrival of these tidings in England, it was felt that not a moment should be lost in our endeavours to repair the disaster, and that none was so fit for the purpose as the Earl of Elgin. He was therefore once more appointed British plenipotentiary in China; and accompanied by Baron Gros, the

ambassador from France, he set sail in an English | frigate, the Malabar, for China. Stopping on their way, however, at the Point de Galle, in Ceylon, the ship ran upon a reef of sunken rocks, and was wrecked, while the calamity was so sudden and unexpected that both the French and English plenipotentiary were well nigh involved in the ruin. After this narrow escape, they proceeded in another ship to China, and reached Shanghai on the 21st of June, 1860. From the ships and troops placed at their disposal by the French and English governments, they were now in a condition to punish the Chinese for their late outrage, and compel them to renew the violated treaty, while their ultimatum was nothing less than the right of both missions to reside in the Chinese capital. It is unnecessary to particularize the hostile movements both by land and water, and the encounters that took place with the Chinese, in preparing the advance of the embassy to the capital; it is enough to state, that in every encounter the Chinese troops were made to feel that they were unequally matched against the soldiers of Europe. Nor were these the only obstacles to the onward progress of Lord Elgin, for the Chinese diplomatists carried on at the same time a war of crafty negotiation, by which they endeavoured to outwit him. Pretending a desire for peace, they sent commissioners to arrange the terms; but when everything was ready for settlement, was found that all this was done merely to occasion delay. But this was not all: joining cruelty to perfidy, they attacked a body of the English commissioners whom they invited to a peaceful conference, overpowered them, threw them into prison, and treated them with such barbarity as is seldom paralleled even among savages. To free these captives from their bonds, as well as to punish such treachery, it was necessary to carry the war into the heart of Pekin; and to show that they were in earnest, the united French and English troops, on the 6th of October, attacked in their march the summer-palace of the emperor, and subjected it to indiscriminate and ignominious plunder. Two days afterwards, the British prisoners were set free; but this reparation was only partial, and came too late, and on the 12th every preparation was finished for the bombardment of Pekin. The emperor himself had previously left the capital under the pretext of a hunting expedition, the government officials were terrified and perplexed, and nowhere was there concert for resistance even had such a purpose been entertained. Pekin therefore surrendered at the summons; and one of the most populous of the earth's cities, the capital of the proudest of governments, was in the hands of a small invading force, with the banners of France and England floating triumphantly upon its walls. After this humbling surrender, Lord Elgin thought enough had been inflicted; but it was now only that he learned the full amount of Chinese cruelty that had been inflicted upon the prisoners so treacherously surprised and captured. Of these, twenty-six in number, only thirteen had been restored alive, but so marked by the cruelties they had undergone, that to some of them life could only be a burden; the rest had been murdered, with circumstances of atrocity too horrible to be mentioned. Although Pekin was spared according to the previous treaty, he was resolved that such barbarity should not go unpunished; and as the government had sanctioned the deed, it was upon it that the chastisement should fall. The summerpalace of the emperor, lately plundered, and in which several of the captives had been confined and tortured, was therefore selected for the example; and, acting upon his own responsibility, as the French

ambassador shunned any partnership in the affair, Lord Elgin commanded that this stately building should be burned to the ground. He also inflicted a fine of 300,000 taels to be paid as compensation to the families of the murdered men, and to those persons who had survived their imprisonment. Eight millions of taels were to be paid by the Chinese government as an indemnity to England and France for the expenses of the war, and the articles of the former treaty into which his lordship had entered with China in 1858 were ratified with additional strictness. There was no longer any demur expressed about the residence of a British representative in | Pekin.

The successful termination of this difficult Chinese undertaking, and the courage and prudence with which it was conducted, justified the appointment of Lord Elgin to a still higher office, which almost immediately succeeded. This was to be governorgeneral of India in the room of the late Lord Canning. The difficulties of the office were so trying, and its duties so arduous, that these, combined with the nature of the climate, were enough to deter any statesman, more especially if he was independent of office, or had the prospect of advancement at home. But Lord Elgin was not to be held back by such personal considerations when duty summoned him to the task. His friends, indeed, had their misgivings, when they remembered how two of his predecessors, both of whom had been his classfellows at college, had succumbed to the toils of office and the exhausting effects of the climate, and had died before their day; but they hoped that his lordship's case might prove a happy exception, more especially as he was still in little more than the prime of life, and had become inured to the harness of political labour. The discontent of India also had been exhausted in the mutiny, and its numerous tribes and nations had laid the chastisement of its suppression to heart. This his lordship felt as soon as he had assumed office, so that his principal care was to develop the resources of the country, and promote the industry of the people. The history of his rule in India was therefore one of peace, neither provoking contests nor acquiring territory, and its unostentatious character was well rewarded by the substantial benefits which it everywhere created. India, indeed, needed such a Numa, after the fierce wars by which it had been so rudely shaken. But too soon this promise of prosperity to so many millions under his beneficent administration was brought to a close. In the autumn of 1863 he set out on a tour of inspection of the north of India, with the intention of visiting Cashmere, accompanied by Lady Elgin, and attended by his secretaries and other government officials. On the 13th of November he had ascended on foot one of the passes of the Himalayas; but the unwonted fatigue was followed by a severe illness, which threw him upon a sick-bed at a secluded hamlet called the Dhurumsala. From that bed he was never more to rise, and his last hours are thus described in the Bombay Times:-"Up to the 19th his lordship was quite conscious, fully aware of his state, and perfectly composed. He made every earthly preparation for his departure. He made his will; gave injunctions that he should be buried at Dhurumsalah; directed Colonel Strachey to design a tomb for his remains; approved of the design when submitted to him; dictated the words of the telegrams that he ordered to be despatched to England, conveying the expression of his duty to his queen, and the request that her majesty would appoint his successor; gave instructions respecting the return of his family to England; took leave of his family, and

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