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H. OF R.]

Bank of the United States.

[MAY 22, 1834.

the cases of Wiley and Higbee. The former had been a subject for the ridicule of all who ranged themselves student at Danville for several years; he returned home under the banner of constitutional freedom. to Garrard county just before the election, voted, and How do the principles of that case apply here? Who came back to the college in Mercer soon after the elec- sets up new rules in this controversy? Do we? No, sir, tion, to pursue his studies. The other was a student at we ask for no innovation. We want no new test. We the law school in Lexington, Fayette county. He came do not complain of the criterion by which such cases down to his father's, in Jessamine, a few days before the have been formerly determined; on the contrary, it is the election, voted, and returned to Lexington. In both very thing we desire. We call upon the House to conform cases the committee decided these votes to be good; and, to it. We deprecate all rules, except those which are as the gentleman from Pennsylvania said of the appoint- derived from the constitution and laws of our country. ment of Mr. Grant, no one complained of our decision.

They both voted for Mr. Letcher.

Apply the same principle to the other students at Danville, who came there from distant States and counties, and their votes must be excluded. It was upon this principle the committee decided; and, in the opinion of a

One word more, sir, and I am done. I have now given my views of this subject, with some of the reasons that induce me to entertain them. It is for the House to decide who is right and who is wrong. With that decision I shall content myself, let it be what it may; believing that I have discharged my duty, and that other gentlemen wilt majority, ten votes were necessarily stricken from the discharge theirs, according to the dictates of their own polis as illegal. understandings. But I shall be pardoned for saying

Another decision of the majority has been the subject that I do most solemnly believe, if the principles advanced of animadversion. I allude to the votes which are alleged by the majority of the committee are adopted, then we to have been improperly entered upon the poll-book, or sanction a rule that will secure to us all the privileges to have been omitted by the clerk entirely. There are guarantied by the charters of American liberty. On the several of these on both sides, and proof was taken by the parties to establish the facts.

contrary, if the doctrines maintained by the gentlemen who oppose us shall be ratified by a decision of this House, and carried out to their legitimate consequences, we adopt a rule of the most pernicious character; a principle which, like a slow and deadly poison, will infuse its

Under all the circumstances, the committee deemed it safer to rely upon the poll-books, the records made by respectable men under oath, than to permit individuals to come forward and change the whole face of the poll-book, baleful influence through all our political institutions, unand the result of the election, by swearing that they til the proud and glorious fabric, erected by the labors, voted, and their names have not been recorded; or that and cemented by the blood, of a valiant ancestry, will they voted for a different candidate from the one in whose crumble into dust in the presence of their descendants, favor their names are recorded. We were not prepared who will have lost the power to preserve an inheritance to say that a case might not be presented in which it of such inestimable value.

would be proper to alter the record by parol testimony; but we were clearly of the opinion that this was not such a case. No change, therefore, was made.

When Mr. HAMER had concluded

Mr. BINNEY rose in support of the amendment, and in opposition to the report of the committee. He

The committee were strengthened in their position by contended that the prescription, of time, place, and manthe decision of the Senate of Kentucky, in the case be-ner of election, was not intended to restrain, but to profore referred to of Williams and Mason. Having such mote the exercise of the right of suffrage; that these respectable authority in aid of the reasons which arise were not essential, but circumstantial forms; and that the from the nature of the question, and which will suggest House was bound to give effect to the voice of the peothemselves to the mind of every gentleman, we deter-ple, whether these forms were observed or not. Mr. В. mined to leave the poll-books as we found them.

illustrated his views by a great variety of analogies and

Mr. Speaker, the case of Wilkes and Luttrell has been cases, and contended that, upon the facts presented, the introduced here during this debate, and for what purpose votes referred to in the amendment ought to be taken into I know not. Is it believed by the gentleman to be an the computation. Mr. B. also contended that the votes of analogous case? In what does the analogy consist? Do the theological students, at Danville, rejected by the they fear that this case will be improperly decided, as that committee, ought to have been allowed to Mr. Letcher, unquestionably was? If it should be, I ardently hope, which, with those referred to in the amendment, would sir, that some modern Junius may be found who will rouse give that gentleman a majority of two votes over Mr. the public attention to the subject, and never lay down Moore. These positions were argued at length upon the his pen until he has the satisfaction to see his opinions laws and constitution of Kentucky, which alone were, he universally adopted as a standard, and the erroneous judg- said, applicable to the case. The precedents and cases ment of this House expunged from our journals.

determined by the House had no bearing, the House

tions of the elected, but not of the electors-which be-
long exclusively to the State.
Mr. BINNEY having concluded his argument

It is some time since I read the history of the case under being, by the constitution, made the judge of the qualifica consideration. According to my recollection of it, Wilkes was expelled by a vote of the House of Commons. The people re-elected him, by a very large majority, over his competitor, Colonel Luttrell. He appeared at the door of the House of Commons, and demanded his seat; but the report of the committee appointed to examine the

Mr. THOMAS, of Maryland, asked leave to present

the House determined that his previous expulsion dis- affairs of the

quanhed
qualified him from holding a seat, and that the votes
given to him were void. Upon these principles they de-
cided, and gave the seat to his competitor. They did

BANK OF THE UNITED STATES.

Mr. WATMOUGH objected; not because he wished

wrong in this. Such a disqualification as they recognised, to impede the consideration of the subject of the report,

but because an important subject was now before the House, the discussion of which he was not willing to have broken in upon.

After some minutes' conversation,
Mr. WATMOUGH withdrew his objection.

arising from expulsion, was wholly unknown to the constitution and laws of England. Even Judge Blackstone, who had written expressly upon this subject, and had not mentioned any such disqualification, was induced to come out in defence of the decision of the House. But with all his ability and learning, he was unable to sustain it, and those who took the other side of the question had no it be laid on the table, printed, and made the order of the difficulty in holding him up to the public gaze as a fit

Mr. THOMAS then made his report, and moved that

day for Tuesday week.

MAY 26, 1834.]

York county (Pa.) and Norfolk (Va.) Memorials.

Mr. MASON said he hoped the gentleman from Maryland [Mr. THOMAS] would not insist upon the motion to lay the report upon the table.

Mr. THOMAS assenting, the motion was restricted to printing, and making the report the order of the day for Tuesday week.

Mr. SELDEN called for a division of the question. It was divided accordingly, and, being put upon the printing, it was agreed to.

[H. OF R.

Mr. MILLER withdrew his motion to postpone, and moved to lay the report of the Committee of Elections, together with the amendments thereto, on the table. Mr. JONES demanded the yeas and nays.

Mr. MILLER withdrew the motion.

Mr. McKINLEY moved to adjourn.

Mr. BEARDSLEY demanded the yeas and nays.
Mr. GHOLSON demanded that the hour be recorded

on the journal, (viz: half past four o'clock.) It was or

The question then recurring on making the consid-dered. eration of the report the order of the day for Tuesday week

Mr. CLAY insisted that a motion to adjourn was not in order, as the House had negatived such a motion a few

Mr. WATMOUGH said he was desirous that the sub-minutes since, and no action of the House had been had

jest of the report should be brought up in time to receive the action of the House; but he could not but consider it as somewhat hasty to appoint, at this time, so early a day as Tuesday week, especially when so important a question as that now before the House was not decided, nor likely to be for some time; besides which, there were a number of bills of paramount importance still unacted on, besides other things which might be disposed of before the attention of the House should be concentrated on the subject of this report.

He did not like to make a motion to lay the report on the table, as that might be considered invidious; but he would move to amend the motion by substituting Tuesday

two weeks.

Mr. CLAY suggested that, if the House should not be prepared to proceed with this subject on the day first proposed, it could then be postponed.

Mr. WHITTLESEY remarked that, if this was a good reason, it was good against ever fixing a day for the con

since.

The CHAIR admitting the motion

Mr. CLAY took an appeal, but afterwards withdrew it.
The yeas and nays were then taken, and stood: Yeas

92, nays 88.

So the House adjourned to Monday next.

MONDAY, MAY 26.

GLOUCESTER COUNTY (VA.) MEMORIAL.

The consideration of the memorial presented by Mr. WISE, On the 13th instant, with the resolutions, &c. moved by him, which were the special order for this day, was (owing to the absence of Mr. W.) postponed, on motion of Mr. E. WHITTLESEY, until Monday next.

YORK COUNTY (PA.) MEMORIAL.

The memorial from the inhabitants of York county, Pennsylvania, for the restoration of the public money to the Bank of the United States, and for the recharter of

ed business

sideration of a subject. He would submit to gentlemen the Bank of the United States, coming up as the unfinishfrom the West that not a solitary bill had yet been passed for Western objects, and he would put it to them whether they would vote for any special order which was likely to defeat, by deferring, all the bills in which they were interested? For one, he was not willing to postpone all matters of this kind, to bring back the bank question.

Mr. VANCE said he was not opposed to the fixing of any day the committee might prefer. He hoped his colleague would withdraw all opposition to the proposition.

Mr. WATMOUGH said, that as he had received from

the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. MASON] and a gen

tleman on his left, the assurance that it was not the wish or purpose of the committee to interrupt the consideration of the appropriation bills, and other measures of general importance, he should withdraw his amendment. The motion of Mr. THOMAS was then agreed to; and the consideration of the report of the bank committee made the order of the day for Tuesday week.

Mr. E. EVERETT, from the same committee, then

Mr. BARNITZ moved that the said memorial be referred to the Committee of Ways and Means with instructions to report

"That the removal of the deposites of the moneys of the United States, made prior to the 1st of October last, was not authorized by law.

"That the reasons assigned by the Secretary of the Treasury for removing and withholding the deposites be reported to recharter the United States Bank, with

United Bank are insufficient. That a bill

such limitations and modifications regarding the capital

stock and the powers and duties of the directors as the committee deem expedient."

In support of the resolution, Mr. B. entered into an argument embracing views of the policy of the Government in relation to the custody and legal disposition of the revenue, the powers of Congress, and the rights, duties, and obligations of the bank; and not having conponed until Monday next: Ayes 79, noes 42. NORFOLK (VA.) MEMORIAL.

presented a report from the minority, which was, in like cluded his remarks, the further consideration was post

manner, ordered to be printed, and made the order of the

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The memorial and resolutions adopted by a meeting held in Norfolk county, Virginia, in favor of the restoration of the deposites of the public moneys to the Bank of the United States, being taken up

Mr. LOYALL said that the memorial and resolutions before the House, from one of the counties of his district, disapproved, in strong terms, the course of the Executive, in relation to the Bank of the United States. They are signed by largely upwards of four hundred persons, represented to be a majority of the voters of the county; and as one of the resolutions of the series instructs me, said Mr. L., as far as these memorialists can instruct me, to vote for the restoration of the deposites, it is incumbent upon me to state the grounds of the vote, which your journal will show, I have already given upon that proposition; contrary, I own, to the wishes of a large portion of my constituents, yet under a deep sense of all the obligations of

H. OF R.]

the trust confided to me.

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This duty I should have asked that my opinions upon the deposite question would be leave to discharge, when the proceedings of this meeting altogether free from the bias of those long-settled convic

were first presented, but for the lateness of the hour. As I am perfectly aware of the impatience of the House, under any further discussion connected with the deposite question, I now promise to acquit myself of this obligation in a very concise manner.

Although, Mr. Speaker, prior to the opening of the present session of Congress, opposition to this act of the Executive did not exceed, at least in a great degree, the opposition generally manifested to the prominent measures of every administration, within a brief space after the representatives of the States and of the people had assembled here, it assumed a most lowering aspect, and the cry of usurpation and tyranny was soon echoed back to the Halls of this building, from almost every quarter of the Union. A most intense sensation suddenly pervaded the public mind. By what agency it was mainly produced, and has been sedulously kept up, every one will determine for himself. Be that as it may, the "quick contagion" of the panic soon reached the good people who sent me here. Public meetings were held in almost every county and town of the district, and the proceedings of such as condemned the removal of the deposites, when transmitted to me, were laid before the House, at the earliest moment allowable by the rule. Notwithstanding the extraordinary excitement, and, 1 doubt not, the actual distress which prevailed among a portion of my constituents, to a degree perhaps as great as in almost any other part of the country, down to the period when the sense of this body was taken upon the resolution reported from the Committee of Ways and Means, declaring that the deposites ought not to be restored to the Bank of the United States, the aggregate of signatures upon memorials received, instructing me to vote for their restoration, amounted to about eight hundred, of all sorts; which, together with the signatures upon the one now submitted, make the whole over twelve hundred. Admitting then every name upon the several memorials which had reached me, when I was called upon to vote for or against the resolution of the committee, as a duly qualified voter, the sum total, as I have stated, was about eight hundred. The meeting which adopted this memorial was held on the 6th day of March, more than two months previous to the date of its reception; leaving me, during this tedious lapse of time, without even notice of its adoption, from any one authorized to communicate it, whilst, too, no doubt could be entertained that the question upon which it was proposed to instruct me would, in the interval, be disposed of.

Holding myself in all things bound to submit to the guidance and control of a majority of my constituents, to give effect, in all cases, to their expressed will-implicitly to obey that sovereign mandate, except when it cannot be done without dishonor and a perjured conscience--I anxiously looked, from the earliest movement in my district upon this question, for such an expression of popular sentiment as would indicate the path I should pursue. Is

tions. I have, as far as possible, however, divested my mind of all prejudice derived from the impure origin of this institution, and endeavored to view the question in its more direct connexion with the powers of the Executive, and its influence upon the great interests of the country.

I do not propose, sir, to trespass upon the House by entering at large into the discussion of these grave matters; but merely to touch a point or two, suggested by this memorial. The pain I experience in finding myself at variance with the memorialists is somewhat alleviated by the moderation of their views, contrasted with the inflammatory denunciations too often heard here. They speak, in the first place, of this as a "movement undertaken by the Executive upon his own mere responsibility, without the concurrence of Congress." If, in this, they have reference to that section of the bank charter which authorizes the transfer of the deposites, whether the responsibility rests with the President himself, or the Secretary of the Treasury, or with both, it is the first time I have heard a doubt suggested from any quarter that the transfer may not legally and properly be made, before any action of Congress upon the subject. The charter prescribes that "the deposites of the money of the United States, in places in which the said bank or branches thereof may be established, shall be made in said bank or branches thereof, unless the Secretary of the Treasury shall at any time otherwise order and direct; in which case, he shall immediately lay before Congress, if in session, and if not, immediately after the commencement of the next session, the reasons of such order or direction." It is obvious, then, that this "movement," as the memorialists term it, may be "taken" not only without the concurrence of Congress, but it is not until the Secretary has exercised the power reserved by the charter, that the concurrence or non-concurrence of Congress is called for, or can be had.

This, I dare say, is a view peculiar to the author of the memorial, and was, doubtless, overlooked by many in the hurry of signing their names, which we may readily imagine often happens in such cases. When the Secretary of the Treasury, under this section of the bank charter, which is nothing more than the express reservation of a pre-existing power, shall direct the deposites of the money of the United States to be withdrawn from the said bank, or branches thereof, and has proceeded to lay before Congress the reasons which induced him to give the order, the whole matter is under the control of Congress, subject to such further direction as in their wisdom may seem fit.

Now, sir, this angry and protracted controversy has arisen out of the act of the President in displacing one Secretary, who would not withdraw the deposites from the Bank of the United States, and appointing another, who caused them to be withdrawn; and it involves the extent of the President's control over his cabinet officers, together with the right of the Secretary of the Treasury

this such an expression of that sentiment as should satisfy to withdraw and withhold the deposites of the money of me that I stand opposed to a majority of the voters of the United States from the bank, under a just and fair my district? Does it, taken in connexion with other cir- construction of this provision of its charter. These quescumstances, furnish such strong presumption of disagree- tions lie within a very narrow compass, and if we could ment as to require of me either the surrender of the by any means disentangle them from the fierce struggle clearest and strongest convictions of my deliberate judg- of conflicting parties which has been carried on, if not in ment, or of my seat here? These are inquiries with this House, most certainly elsewhere, with far different which I have no wish to trouble the House; but I will pro- views than to settle them according to the constitution ceed to state very briefly the reasons that have brought and law, we should find them neither difficult nor comme to conclusions which, I regret to say, are not sustained by this very respectable portion of my constituents.

plicated.

The Executive power of the United States being vestHaving ever held the opinion that Congress, in incor-ed by the constitution in the President, it is his para

porating the Bank of the United States, acted without authority from the constitution, and that serious evils have resulted from this assumption of power, I could not hope

mount duty, and almost his sole function, to superintend the several departments established by Congress, and see that the laws are faithfully executed. He is required, by MAY 26, 1834.]

Norfolk (Va.) Memorial.

[H. OF R.

and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to appoint sary as the only means of arresting a measure deemed by all officers of the United States, whose appointments are the President not only inexpedient but illegal, I apprenot otherwise provided for, and which shall be establish- hend we should have heard but little, at all events, from ed by law. The participation of the Senate was intended the friends of the bank, of this tremendous responsibility, only as a check upon the power of appointment, which, this alarming usurpation, tending to the concentration of without some such check or guard, might be exercised, all power in the hands of one man, and just as little of the on occasions, to confer offices on persons unworthy, or discretion reserved by the bank charter being exclusivemanifestly unfit to fill them. To this single object, of ly confided to the head of the Treasury Department. seeing that competent individuals are appointed to office, No one now seriously maintains, I believe, that the the action of the Senate is confined, the power of super- right to remove the deposites depends for its exercise vising and directing those who execute the laws resting merely upon the safety of the public money; nor that the exclusively with the President. The Treasury Depart- refusal of the bank to comply with any of its stipulated ment, as well as the other Departments, unquestionably engagements constitutes the only ground on which the exists by the will of Congress: they are created by the deposites can be withdrawn. The terms in which the Legislature, and the same power may, at any time, de- power is reserved are too broad and comprehensive to stroy them. But, so long, as by the constitution, the power give even a shadow of pretence to any such construction. of appointment, qualified as I have stated, rests with the Whether or not the reasons which, in compliance with President, the heads of these several Departments are, the requisition of the charter, the Secretary of the Treasin all matters appertaining to the duties of their offices ury has laid before Congress, are such as rendered the respectively, subject to his supervision and control, and measure expedient and proper-whether or not it was to removal under responsibility for the rightful exercise or called for by the public interest or convenience-it would abuse of the power. And the power of removal does not be out of place to discuss here. As far as the rights of depend upon legislative grant, (though-confirmed, after the bank are concerned, however, I feel no hesitation in full debate, by a solemn expression of the sense of the saying that the removal of the deposites from its custody Legislature in the act of '89,) but flows directly from the was entirely justified by transactions which clearly show Executive office, and is restrained only by the discretion a deliberate, systematical design, in that corporation, to of the President, under the constitutional guarantees acquire strength and influence, in utter disregard of the against its undue exercise. It matters not, then, by what essential objects of its creation, and the fundamental artiname we may please to call the Treasury Department, cles of its charter. If the charter has been violated by

the removal of the deposites, the bank is unquestionably entitled to remuneration. Yet we have heard, from no quarter, that compensation ought to be rendered for this alleged invasion of its rights. The truth is, there is about the same foundation for the charge of broken faith in the one case, as for the assumption of unconstitutional power

whether Legislative or Executive, (no one, I presume,
will be disposed to baptize it Judicial, though some of its
functions partake, in a degree, of that character,) the
duties devolving upon the officer who presides over it
are, in their very nature, strictly Executive; and it is,
therefore, not only the right, but the duty of the Presi-
dent, in whom the Executive power is vested, to super- in the other.

vise and control, and, when necessary, to remove him. I am instructed, as far as this portion of my constituents Any argument drawn from the possible or probable can instruct me, to vote for the restoration of the deposabuse of this power, is altogether illogical, and, if en- ites. If, sir, I entertained a different opinion in relation titled to any notice whatever, goes to impugn the wisdom to this Executive proceeding-if I really conceived that of those who framed the constitution, and does not touch the President has assumed the exercise of a power over the question properly before us.

the treasury not granted to him by the constitution and

This, sir, I have ever considered as the true theory of laws--that the act of the Secretary of the Treasury, dithe constitution, carried out in practice under every ad-recting that the deposites of the public money shall not ministration. But a new faith has suddenly sprung up, be made in the Bank of the United States, was illegal, and all who will not subscribe to its dogmas-maintaining and should be regarded as the bitter source of all the disthat "unity and competent powers are essential to the tress, embarrassment, and ruin, already endured, and, as Executive"-are branded as the advocates of usurpation we are warned, still greater in prospect--if I had enough and despotism. For myself, I utterly repudiate this spu- of the genuine Whig spirit to stand up against this monrious reading of our fundamental charter, which aims strous usurpation--even in that case, believing as I do that to strip the Executive of all power, and practically to to restore the deposites would inevitably lead to the reannihilate one of the great co-ordinate departments of charter of the bank, I could not, in common decency, this Government. I will never consent to shift a solitary particle of the power, vested by the constitution in the Chief Magistrate, to other hands than those chosen by the

vote for their restoration. My opinion upon this constitutional question was openly declared, and severely canvassed throughout the district; and elected as I was with

people, who look to the President, and hold him respon- a full knowledge of my uncompromising opposition to the sible for the faithful execution of the laws. In England, bank in every possible aspect, I could not, without a fla"the King is unaccountable for his administration-the grant breach of the trust confided to me, record a vote council furnishing a substitute for the prohibited respon here, tending directly, according to my view, to prolong sibility of the Chief Magistrate." With us, "the ingredi- the existence of this corporation beyond the limitation of ents which constitute safety, in the republican sense, are: its charter, and thereby eventually, through its vast adue dependance upon the people, a due responsibility." moneyed influence, to build up an extraneous power, And when we look into the constitution for the guaran- setting at defiance the utmost control of the Government; tees of this responsibility of the President, we find them for rail as we may about lawless pretensions and Executive amply provided in "his election once in four years by encroachments, I would rather encounter the most persons immediately chosen by the people for that pur- daring usurpations which, masked under any other forms pose, and his being at all times liable to impeachment, of law and the constitution, the reckless ambition and untral, dismission from office, incapacity to serve in any holy passions of the very worst men could bring to bear other, and to the forfeiture of life and estate, by subse against the liberties of the people, than meet this corpoquent prosecution, in the common course of law." If ration, secure in her dominion, and arrayed in all her the recusant Secretary, in this case, had insisted on the chartered privileges, during another term of twenty removal of the deposites against the judgment of the years. President, and his removal from office had become necesThe memorialists pray Congress "to take speedy meas

H. or R.]

Norfolk (Va.) Memorial.

[MAY 26, 1834.

ures to return to the Bank of the United States the public advantages claimed for it, and the greatest of all-its carevenue, to quiet the people, to restore confidence to the pacity to furnish a more uniform and perhaps a safer curcountry, and prosperity to the land." These are certain-rency than the local banks. Still, this is no counterly most desirable ends. But is it the part of wisdom and poise to my objections, even on the score of expediency. prudence to take the measure proposed, for the purpose For one, I would rather submit to the partial evils of an of relief, of mitigating the existing pressure, and allay- unequal currency, than be exposed to the tremendous ining the general discontent, when, if the charter is not to fluence of a moneyed corporation, capable at any mo

be renewed, all the multiplied evils of pecuniary embar rassment and suffering now alleged to prevail must fall with redoubled severity upon the country within a period of less than two years? If the bank is to be rechartered, I grant, the sooner the deposites are restored the better, for then their removal would no longer be used to sub

ment, from its peculiar organization and machinery, of raising or depressing the value of every article of property in the country. I would rather incur a small loss in the shape of exchange, than that the price of every thing we have to buy or sell shall be subject to the capricious edicts of a secret, irresponsible divan in Chestnut street or

serve the purposes of party-the excitement, agitation, elsewhere; at one time granting extensive loans and acand panic which have produced snch distressing effects commodations; at another, by its merciless contractions, would disappear, and we might hope to escape, at least crushing trade, industry, and enterprise; to-day engaged for a season, from the throes of that furious struggle, in in discounts and exchanges; the next, devoting its pawhich, under the auspices of a most formidable political league, the bank and press are engaged to break down this administration.

triotic labors to politics and the press.

To what extent the removal of the deposites may have operated as the remote cause of "the great and general pressure, and rapid depreciation of certain staples," of

This corporation seems to be regarded by its more ardent friends as the "staple article of our moneyed sys- which the memorialists complain, I am unable to detertem." It was created not long after the late war with mine. It cannot be said, however, that the reduction of England, with the confident prediction that it would bring discounts by the bank has been governed by the amount about a thorough reform in the currency of the country. of public deposites taken from its vaults; for we find that It was alleged that by means of such an institution only when its curtailments commenced, on the 1st of August could the mischiefs of a depreciated paper currency be last, (two months before the removal of the deposites,) arrested, the tendency of the local banks to overtrading the amount on deposite was $7,599,841; on the 1st of be controlled, and a sound and healthful circulation main- December it was $5,162,259, making a reduction of tained. "In the preference given to its notes by the $2,437,582; on the 1st of August its discounts amounted to Government, and its being made the depository of the $61,160,349; on the 1st of Dec. they were $54,453,104-public revenue, had its operations been conducted on sound showing a very large disproportion between the reprinciples, doubtless this bank might have effected much duction of discounts and the diminution of deposites. good in relieving the community from the evils of a gene- How far the operations of the United States Bank conral suspension of specie payments by the local banks. tributed to the state of things which led to the overBut, instead of going to work in good faith to realize the trading and excessive importations of 1831, we may predictions of its advocates, its beneficence was display- readily conceive, when the statements, in October, ed in a total departure from all the established principles 1829, show a total of discounts and bills of exchange of of banking, its benefits were illustrated by temptations $39,969,052; and in May, 1832, a total of $70,428,070. thrown out, without stint or measure, to cupidity and ex- "In the short period of two years and seven months, there travagance, in the disastrous results of extensive loans to was an increase of $30,668,018 in the accommodations farmers, manufacturers, traders, speculators, and to stock- the bank afforded to dealers." Under what circumstanholders, to enable them to pay for their shares of the ces, political or otherwise, this enormous augmentation of capital." The bank commenced active operations in Jan-loans was made, it does not fall within the scope of these uary, 1817, and, within a little more than two years, we desultory remarks to inquire; they form a part of the were told by Mr. Cheves (who, at a most critical junc- history of the times; and had it pleased the President and ture, had been invited to preside over its affairs) that "in his associates to allow an examination into the more recent Philadelphia he found no one, in or out of the bank, who operations and present condition of the institution, the de

entertained a sanguine belief of its being able to sustain its payments much longer, and that the nation was about to suffer the calamity of a currency composed entirely of irredeemable paper."

tails thus elicited, with this increase of facilities, might have furnished together a mass of interesting information, financial and other, calculated to clear up many points at present not a little controverted.

I did not intend, sir, to have trespassed so far upon the

The great object proposed by the establishment of this bank, besides a sound currency, was to correct the pre- indulgence of the House. What I have said is merely in vailing "disorder of over-trading, brought on by over-defence of my own conduct. It is painful to me to opbanking." And how was this accomplished? By flood-pose the wishes of any portion of my constituents. If the ing the country with its own paper, thus affording a vote which I have given upon the deposite question is not temptation to the local institutions to aggravate the evil ultimately sustained by a majority of the district, the trust by still more extensive issues. Within the brief period confided to me must pass into other hands. I have ennamed, the country was involved in a most disastrous state deavored to execute it in good faith; and I feel that my of pecuniary embarrassment and suffering; heavy and whole course, in relation to the United States Bank and oppressive curtailments were resorted to. "The bank the deposites, has been governed by a most rigid and was saved, but the people were ruined." Every por- scrupulous regard to the just demands of popular sentition of the community groaned under the pressure--com- ment. mercial credit prostrated--trade paralyzed--"the whole There is one thing in which I entirely agree with the train of mercantile operations deranged"-real property memorialists--that is, as to the importance of the present greatly depreciated--its rents or profits rapidly declining crisis. Indeed, I question much whether there has ever the price of every staple article reduced-thousands of before happened a period more directly involving the fate able-bodied men wandering about the streets of the of popular rights-so pregnant with consequences deeply larger cities, unable to find employment. This dismal pic- and vitally affecting the great principles of our Governture, taken from the journals of the day, exhibits some ment. And what has produced this portentous state of of the early results which followed the establishment of things? Was it the simple act of transferring the deposthe present bank. Yet I am disposed to concede all the ites of the money of the United States from this bank to

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