condition and elevate the character of those blacks themselves, and to present to the slave-holder an inducement to emancipate his slaves, by offering to them an asylum in the country of their ancestors, in which they would enjoy political and social equality. It was not, however, established under the authority of our Government, nor has it been recognized as subject to our laws and jurisdiction.

It is believed that the society has confined itself strictly to the professed objects of its association. As an individual enterprise, it has no precedent in the history of the world. The motives which led to it were not those of trade, nor of conquest; the individuals concerned in it promised themselves no personal advantage nor benefit whatever. Their motives were purely philanthropic, and their objects strictly disinterested. In spite of the unexampled difficulties with which they have had to contend, they have, by patience and perseverance, succeeded in placing their colony upon a safe and prosperous footing. It is just beginning to exert, in a sensible degree, its beneficent influences upon the destinies of the African race; and promises, if it be duly sustained, to do much for the regeneration of that quarter of the globe. Hence it has received, as it richly deserves, the respect and sympathy of the whole civilized world. To the United States it is an object of peculiar interest. It was established by our people, and has gone on under the countenance and good offices of our Government. It is identified with the success of a great object, which has enlisted the feelings, and called into action the enlarged benevolence, of a large proportion of our people. It is natural, therefore, that we should regard it with greater sympathy and solicitude than would attach to it under other circumstances.

This society was first projected in the year 1816. In 1821 it possessed itself of a territory upon the continent of Africa, by fair purchase of the owners of the soil. For several years it was compelled to defend itself by arms, and unaided, against the native tribes; and succeeding in sustaining itself, only at a melancholy sacrifice of comfort, and a lamentable loss of human lives. No nation has ever complained that it has acquired territory in Africa; but, on the contrary, for twenty two years it has been allowed, with the full knowledge of all nations, to enlarge its borders from time to time, as its safety or its necessities required. It has been regarded as a purely benevolent enterprise, and, with a view to its success, has been tacitly permitted to exercise all the powers of an independent community. It is believed that this license has never been abused, and that the colony has advanced no claims which ought not

to be allowed to an infant settlement just struggling into a healthy existence. Its object and motive entitle it to the respect of the stronger powers, and its very weakness gives it irresistible claims to their for, bearance. Indeed, it may justly appeal to the kindness and support of all the principal nations of the world, since it has already afforded, and still continues to afford, the most important aid in carrying out a favorite measure of their policy.

It is not perceived that any nation can have just reason to complain that this settlement does not confine itself to the limits of its original. territory. Its very existence requires that it should extend those limits. Heretofore, this has never been done by arms, so far as I am informed, but always by fair purchase from the natives. In like manner, their treaties with the native princes, whether of trade or otherwise, ought to be respected. It is quite certain that their influence in civilizing and christianizing Africa, in suppressing the slave-trade, and in ameliorating the condition of African slaves, will be worth very little, if they should be restrained at this time in any one of these particulars. Full justice, it is hoped, may be done to England, without denying to Liberia powers so necessary to the safety, the prosperity, and the utility of that settlement as a philanthropic establishment.

This Government does not, of course, undertake to settle and adjust differences which have arisen between British subjects and the authorities of Liberia. Those authorities are responsible for their own acts; and they certainly would not expect the support or countenance of this Government in any act of injustice towards individuals or nations. But, as they are themselves nearly powerless, they must rely, for the protection of their own rights, on the justice and sympathy of other powers.

Although no apprehension is entertained that the British Government meditates any wrong to this interesting settlement, yet the occasion is deemed a fit one for making known, beyond a simple answer to your inquiries, in what light it is regarded by the Government and people of the United States. It is due to her Majesty's Government that I should inform you that this Government regards it as occupying a peculiar position, and as possessing peculiar claims to the friendly consideration of all christian powers; that this Government will be, at all times, prepared to interpose its good offices to prevent any encroachment by the colony upon any just right of any nation; and that it would be very unwilling to see it despoiled of its territory rightfully acquired, or improperly restrained in the exercise of its necessary rights and powers as an independent settlement.

Extract from Report of R. R. Gurley to the Secretary of State,

February 15, 1850.

The authorities and people of Liberia cherish a sincere attachment to the government and people of the United States. They are sensible that under the auspices of American benevolence they have attained to their present elevation, from which they are permitted to see before them a widely-expanding and glorious prospect of social happiness and political prosperity and renown. To the entire people of the republic, the recognition of their independence by the government of the United States is an object of earnest desire. The peculiarities of the condition of the free people of color, and others of the African race, in this country, they well know, and have no wish, by any relations which may be established between their government and ours, to cause inconvenience or embarrassment. While their wish and purpose is to maintain a just selfrespect, as a free and independent republic, before the world, they will, I doubt not, be disposed to accommodate (as far as may be without exposure to dishonor or self-reproach) their arrangements to the sense and views of the American government. It has been suggested that they might conduct all their public affairs in this country with the United States through some one or more of its citizens, in case our government should feel inclined to confide to citizens of Liberia any business it might wish transacted in Africa with the authorities of that republic.

The scheme of African colonization originated not only in benevolence towards our colored population, but towards both races on this continent and towards two quarters of the globe. At its inception, our most illustrious statemen a Jefferson, Marshall, Monroe, and Madison - gave to it their sanction. It was seen to unite Christian philanthropy with political expediency a just regard for our national welfare with the more solemn obligations of religious duty. It has derived strength from the homes of the good and pious in our southern States, and found eloquent advocates and defenders in their legislative halls. Many States have urged its claims upon the general government, and the voices of the churches of every name second their appeals.

But it is the success of the plan of African colonization, as seen in the independent republic of Liberia, that most conclusively commends it to national consideration. On that far-distant shore, for ages darkened by superstition and outraged by crime, a community of free colored persons from the United States, aided by American benevolence, have adopted a constitution of free government, and taken their high position among

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the independent states of the world. England and France have acknowledged their right of self-government and their just claim to the respect and comity of nations. What higher motives can be imagined than those which have given existence to this republic? what work more honorable or more sublime than that to which it is dedicated and destined? Though at present few in numbers and very limited in means, a vast field for action and influence opens before it; and in its constitution and laws, in the spirit of its people, the advantages of its position, and the motives and necessities of those who are hastening to build up their homes and their fortunes under the shadow of its wings, we see the elements of mighty power, of an unbounded growth and prosperity. It has been justly said, that "the great necessity of the world at this moment is a free, civilized, and powerful State within the tropics necessity felt through every period of the world's history, and now about to be realized. The western coast of Africa is in every point of view the most effective position for such a State to occupy. The black race, of which there cannot be much less than 150,000,000 on earth, is preeminently the race needing such a development, and prepared for it; and the United States are exactly in a condition to found such a commonwealth with this race, and under circumstances the most glorious to ourselves, the most hopeful to the world, and the most beneficial to the blacks." Around this republic of Liberia the morning star of Africa's redemption, revealing how great evils may be transmuted by the hand of the Almighty into an incalculable good; which looks with encouraging and cheering aspect upon the African race in every part of the earth; reconciles the gift of liberty with the highest interests of those who bestow and those who receive it; opens a quarter of the world for many years shut up in barbarism to the genial and renovating influence of letters, laws, commerce and Christianity-are gathered the sympathies of all virtuous and generous minds, allied with its safeguard, the all-encircling and never-slumbering power of an omnipotent Providence. The rapid increase of free persons of color in many of the States of this Union; the importance, for their benefit more than our own, of their organization into a community by themselves, in the land of their ancestors; the immense advantages such a community must secure to itself and extend to others, by developing the resources and turning into legitimate channels the commerce of Africa, by the civilization it must impart, and the moral and political truths it must exemplify and enforce among her ignorant, debased, and chaotic population - all command the

republic of Liberia to the regard of the general government of this Union. Engaged in a work of unsurpassed dignity and importance, the inhabitants of this small republic are accomplishing more good, as I must believe, than any equal number of human beings, in private stations, on the face of the globe. More than to the united endeavors of all Christian nations, with their treaties and armed squadrons against the slave trade, is humanity indebted for its suppression along many hundred miles of the African coast to the people of Liberia. But it should not be concealed, that to explore Africa; to establish commercial intercourse and relations with her interior tribes; to improve and fortify the harbors of the republic; to make needful experiments in agriculture and the arts in a region to which the people from this country have so recently been introduced, and to maintain a wise system of education for all classes of her pupulation; so that its territory shall offer an attractive home to all the free descendants of Africa, demands pecuniary means to which the present revenues of Liberia are unequal. But since this republic, more than any other power, will develop the resources and increase the trade of western Africa, the United Sates, in aiding her endeavors, will open new markets for American productions, and essentially augment American commerce. Yet far higher and nobler motives than those of gain, will, I trust, incline our national authorities to encourage and assist the citizens of Liberia, a few adventurous, but determined children of Africa, gone out from our midst, that they may recover their long-lost inheritance, show their ability to build up civilized cities and states in regions where they have been unknown, and bring a vast continent, now lying in dim eclipse, within the circle and the influences of enlightened and Christian nations.

From the presence of our squadron on the African coast, benefits, doubtless, accrue both to Liberia and to our own commerce; but I may be permitted, in the conclusion of this report, to avow the opinion that a recognition by the government of the United States of the independence. of the republic of Liberia, and an appropriation of fifty thousand dollars a year for ten years, to enable that republic to carry out the principles. of its constitution, for the happiness of those who from this country are seeking a home upon its soil; for the suppression of the slave trade; and the civilization of Africa, would be in harmony with the character and sentiments of this nation, and give stability, progress, and triumph to liberty and Christianity on the African shore.