Slike strani
PDF
ePub
[blocks in formation]

yet, though these means of power and influence would be at his own command, though he presents the rare example of an Executive Magistrate rejecting the use of that which would contribute so much to personal aggrandizement, he is still charged with courting popularity. If this be the only mode of courting popularity, our country will indeed be happy, and those in power who thus seek it will deserve our lasting gratitude.

Other meu, with other views, would adopt another maxim," that with money we can get men, and with men money" and they would cling to both as the instruments of their ambitious projects. Sir, I hail this act of the President as ominous of the most auspicious results. Amongst the many excellent doctrines which have grown out of our republican system, is this, that the blessings of freedom cannot be enjoyed without a frequent recurrence to fundamental principles. In this instance, we are making that recurrence. it would seem, sir, that the period of about thirty years constitutes a political cycle. Thirty years ago, at the opening of the present century, our Government was drawn back to its original principles; the vessel of State, like one at sea, had gotten upon a wrong tack, and the new pilot who was then placed at the helm brought it again into the right course, for the purpose of reaching its proper destination. In the progress of a long voyage, it has again declined from its proper course; and I congratulate the whole crew that we have found another pilot with enough of skill in navigation and firmness again to correct the declination. The present Chief Magistrate, sir," has done the State some service" heretofore; but, in my estimation, it was but as dust in the balance, compared with the good which he has now done.

Thus far I have been showing the utter injustice of find ing fault with the Chief Magistrate for exercising his constitutional function according to his own judgment, and have taken it for granted that his objections were well founded. The late period of the session, as well as my having recently argued this question at large, induce me to forbear from entering into the discussion now at any length. I hope, however, the House will bear with me whilst I submit a few general remarks. I not only concur with the President, as far as he goes in his views, but I go further. He denies the power of Congress to construct roads, with a claim of jurisdiction. So do I. He admits, that, as the constitution has beeu long construed, the power to appropriate money for such purposes as are really national must be acquiesced in, until the difficulty is removed by an amendment. In this I differ from the President, as he has a right to differ from me, and from both Houses of Congress. But as I claim the right to follow the lights of my own judgment, so I am always ready to acknowledge that of the President to do the same.

[MAY 28, 1830.

ment. This was a concession, by the majority, to the complaints of the minority. It will be but a poor recominendation of our system of Government, to be told, that, under all circumstances, the caprice of mere numbers must prevail, though there be only a majority of one, and that we are not to hope for the occasional concession which is experienced in the Governments even of the old world. Must this Government, because it has the physical power, like Aaron's serpent, swallow up every thing less strong! Is it not the part of wisdom, as well as patriotism, to submit this question to the States in the form of amendment, rather than press on against the known will of a large portion of them? The States feel a deep sense of loyalty to the Union; but they feel, too, that they have rights to demand, as well as duties to perform. Let us not place them in a situation where they may be driven to a course that would be called patriotism by some, and rebellion by others; but which, by whatsoever name it might be called, would endanger the success of our great experiment, the benefits of which concern the whole human family. The course suggested by the Chief Magistrate is calculated to avert these dangers. When members on this floor maintain any principles, they have no weight but that which belongs to them as individuals; but when a suggestion comes from the Executive, and especially accompanying his rejection of a bill, it brings with it all the authority to which the opinion of a branch of the Government is entitled. An issue is thus made up between him and Congress, which will cause the people to deliberate; and thus we may hope that it will be calmly decided by them, so as to put the subject forever to rest.

Sir, there are other reasons why this course, pursued by the Executive, should meet our decided approbation. I need only glance at a subject which I so recently discussed on another bill. I allude to the inequality and demoralizing tendency of this system.

A distribution made upon principles of actual inequality, will produce deep disgust on the one side, and foster corruption on the other.

I mean no offence to any State or individual; the remark applies, without distinction, to all States and individuals, under all circumstances. Sir, the history of all people, nations, tongues, and languages, teaches us the same melancholy truth, that all Governments, of whatever form, have finally perished by corruption.

How much, then, do we owe to him who averts this gangrene from our body politic? How much more do we owe to him who does it by a self-denial of those means by which this evil may be produced? Sir, I hope, I believe, that there is not ingratitude enough in this country to reward such a course by a deprivation of office.

But, sir, had I the honor of filling the Chief Executive But I will not now go into the constitutional question. chair, if it were revealed to me from Heaven that such Apart from this, let me ask whether there are not abun- would be the result, I would rather go down to posterity dant reasons for the course which the Pre-ident has pur-upon the historic page as one who, like the present Chief sued. He tells you, the subject has been involved in doubt, and has produced much diversity of opinion. This is a part of the political history of the country. A retrospect of the proceedings of Congress will show that different Congresses have entertained and expressed different opinions on the leading questions connected with this sys

tem.

Magistrate, had, with the moral courage, the ardent patriotism, and lofty disinterestedness of the ultimus Romanorum, thrown himself into the breach and breasted the storm in doing his duty, than, by a different course, continue to be President through a long and protracted life.

Mr. VANCE said that the course pursued by the PreWe also know that many States of the Union have sident would not operate on his mind, either for or against utterly denied to us this power. Now, I put it to the can- that individual. He reminded the House that he had himdor, the justice, the liberality of this House, whether the self been always an advocate of the system of internal immere circumstance of great doubt and diversity of opinion provement. He stated that, by that system, the West is not reason enough for the Chief Magistrate to pause, and must stand or fall. Unless it be sustained, the West can for you to pause with him, in this career. If it be now said, never have any participation in the appropriations of the as it often has been, that a majority is not to be governed General Government. As soon as the wealth derived from by a minority. I answer, let that be admitted, and yet I emigration shall be exhausted, the West must be drained demand that the majority should pay a just regard to the of every dollar, unless this system be continued. It is only remonstrances and complaints of the minority. Even in the by its continuance that the posterity of those who now monarchies of Europe, this is the case. Witness the recent live in the West can be prevented from becoming hewers emancipation of the Irish catholics by the British Parlia-l of wood and drawers of water to the eastern States. He

[blocks in formation]

stated that the South bad, during the last year, received more of the disbursements of the General Government, than had been expended in the whole of the western country on internal improvement. He then defended his colleague from the attack made upon him by the gentleman from Tennessee. His colleague [Mr. STANBERY] was able to sustain himself. That gentleman should have more gratitude for his colleague, and for the balance of the Ohio and Kentucky and Pennsylvania delegation, who would now vote against him on the question. For himself, he felt no disappointment, for he had foretold from the stump the course which the present administration would take. His colleagues had, also, from the stump, declared that they well understood the thing, and that General Jackson was the firm, steady, and consistent friend of internal improvement. It was clear that he had so far succeeded in concealing his real feelings on the subject, as to deceive those gentlemen. They had, however, gone hand in hand with the gentleman from Tennessee, and had gained the victory, They had attained the triumph, and now they were receiving their reward. When this message came into the House, it struck a damp to the feelings of those individuals, who then felt the final destruction of all their fond hopes.

[H. or R.

[graphic]

The member from Ohio has told the House that a majority of its members were dragooned into the passage of the Indian bill by the heads of departments. It is false. I had hoped that we should hear no more upon the subject of that bill upon this floor, in the tone which had been so finely indulged by many of the gentlemen who had spoken against it, particularly as the concluding argument had been waived. It was not enough that, in the discussion of that bill, when it was directly before the House, every epithet of reproach had been thrown out against its author: that one member should say it was perfidious; another, that it was infamous; and a third, that open bribery had found a sanction in the officers of the Government; and all these denunciations did pass almost unnoticed by the friends of the administration. I sat still, and forbore reply, under repeated slanders of this kind; and, at the instance of the friends of the measure, and in consideration of the advanced period of the session, permitted the question to be finally taken, without reply. But all this does not satisfy the opponents of the bill. I certainly may be allowed to say a word in reply to these repeated allusions to that measure, although not now before the House. It is proper the Executive should be placed in the light and attitude in which they do, in which they deserve to stand, in relation to that measure. The President, in taking the ground he did upon the Indian question, knew that he was incurring great responsibility; that he was brooking deeply-wrought prejudices in various classes of the community; in many himself to the arts and misrepresentations of his political enemies; yet he dared to take the course he did, because he loved his country and its institutions; that country, for which he had hazarded more than mere personal popu larity upon repeated occasions for which he had offered to die. What had he to gain by his course upon that question? The President had taken a strong interest in the success of the policy of removing the Indians, because he thought it calculated to preserve the harmony of the republic, and its reputation from a blot which the inherent The gentleman from Ohio, who had just taken his seat, difficulties of our relations with the southern tribes, and [Mr. VANCE] had informed the House that, for his part, the irritations likely to grow out of them, might bring upon he was not surprised to see his colleague desert an admin-it. But, sir, when he had laid the proposition before Conistration which had damped the hopes of the West. The gress, he felt his conscience free. He had done what duty member from Ohio, before me, cannot plead the impression prompted; the rest was to be decided here. [Here Mr. as he was discussing a bill

Mr. BELL said, when the member from Ohio [Mr. STANBERY] took his seat, his feelings had prompted an immediate reply, not more because of the unprecedented manner of the attack upon the message which had been the subject of remark, than of the nature of the allusion which had been made to a bill not now before the House. The relation in which I stand to that measure, [said Mr. B.] seemed to call for some reply from me; but, in an attempt to get the floor, I found your eye, Mr. Speaker, averted. Although the first moment of excitement is passed, and I have not now those strong feelings with which the extra-sections strong religious feeling; that he was exposing ordinary conduct of the member from Ohio at first inspired me, yet I appeal to the House-to every member of it, whatever may be their political partialities, to say whether that member, in availing himself of the parliamentary privilege of considering the message as emanating from the ministry," not from the President, and in speaking of it freely under that pretext, had not assumed the manner of a blackguard.

produced by the message on yesterday in defence of his VANCE called Mr. B. to sir, I refer to this measure, be

desertion. Before the message was heard of, the member from Ohio had shown such symptoms of disaffection, as left the friends of the administration no room to doubt his final intentions; and he has only availed himself of this evasion to unmask himself. There was a time when that member professed different sentiments upon the great questions which divide the country, from those now avowed by him-there was a time when I united with him in a great political object, and was proud of an associate in the cause, in Ohio. It was not that Andrew Jackson, however illustrious in name and services, was to be elevated by that struggle, that I had stood with feelings of pleasure by the side of the member from Ohio, and conquered with him it was because I believed that whatever had been said, or was found to the contrary, that great man, if elected to power, would administer the Government with a moderation and forbearance, in regard to all those great interests which ambitious and desperate men seemed willing to push to a dangerous and ruinous extreme-that he had the firmness to look popular opinion in the face, and to oppose it when it was misled-that he would bring harmony out of discord-observe the constitution, and revive the hopes of the desponding. But now, at the very moment when these VOL. VI.-144.

cause it has been brought into this discussion. The administration has been charged with taking an improper interest in it; and it has been repeatedly referred to, as an instance of the extravagance of this Congress. We have been told in this debate, that while the President scruples to appropriate money to internal improvement, he has urged the adoption of another measure, and, by his influence, carried it through the House, involving an expenditure of half a million of dollars, and that too, to further a ruinous and disgraceful policy. I consider everything have said or shall say upon this subject, strictly in order. When this measure was directly the subject of discussion, I stated that the extravagance of an administration would never be decided merely by the amount expended-that the intelligence of the country, in making up its verdiet upon such a question, would look to the propriety of the expenditure-to the necessity which demanded the application of the public treasure; and that praise or censure would follow, as the objects to be accomplished were for good or for evil, I also then stated that the removal of the Indians would bring more money into the treasury, by removing the incumbrance of the Indian title from the

[graphic]
[ocr errors]
[blocks in formation]

under the direction of the local authorities, over a larger sum administered by the General Government. Sir, I had intended, when I rose, to pursue this part of the subject much further, but neither my own feelings nor the temper of the House, will, at this time, permit the subject to be discussed in an argumentative storm.

Mr. SUTHERLAND said he should vote in favor of the bill. He said Pennsylvania was the friend of internal improvements, and also the friend of General Jackson, and she would abide by both, waiting with confidence for the slow but certain process by which the system of improvements would universally prevail. The President had, in vetoing the bill, exercised only his constitutional power, and he [Mr. S.] and his constituents, in supporting it, were only exercising the power which the constitution granted to them. He represented a State which was friendly to both; for, in fact, Pennsylvania was the first State, which had given the present Chief Magistrate an undivided support, and which was also, whilst it had lost no confidence in his first object, being the general good of his country, friendly to the great principle of internal improvement. That such would, sooner or later, be the universal sentiment of the nation, he had no doubt the course of time, and the progress of human affairs, would render apparent.

Mr. WAYNE made some observations in reply to the remarks of Mr. VANCE.

Mr. A. H. SHEPPERD spoke for a short time, in reference to some remarks made on the preceding-day, which

he conceived to be intended for him.

An explanation took place between that gentleman and the member by whom the remarks had been made.

Mr. ISACKS said, he was sincerely sorry to feel it a duty he owed to himself to say a few words on this subject. From what had of late fallen from different members, and other indications, he scarcely knew whether even he was regarded as the friend or enemy of this administration. To such as might wish to monopolize the entire support of the administration, he had but little to say. This he might say, perhaps, without offence, that "he was an older (not a better) soldier" than those who had, on this day, so much to his satisfaction, pronounced their eulogies upon the President. He had been longer in the service of that cause which brought the present exeuutive into power, than many who were now far ahead of him, at least in their own estimation.

[H. or R.

he or I stand committed for this bill; but, for myself, I will say that, under the influence of opinions formed during the period in which those bills were discussed, and which opinions have never since been changed or shaken, I did, upon mature reflection, vote for this bill when it was here before; my opinion, notwithstanding the arguments by which the President's objections are so powerfully urged, remain the same; and if I live, I will vote for it again. And do I expect by that to offend the President? Not so. If I were to do it, it would but prove that I am what I am, and he is not Andrew Jackson! I think I know the man who now fills the executive chair well enough to be convinced that if, without a change of opinion, I should feel so strongly the influence of the message as to change my vote on this bill, he would think me a villain. I am certain he ought, under such circumstances, to despise me, as I should myself, and am sure he would. But suppose we had a Chief Magistrate capable of taking offence, and feeling resentment for honest consistency in others, I would say to him, I cannot help it; to you, Mr. President, I owe no responsibilities; to none but God and my constituents do I acknowledge responsibility, and these I will discharge as I may.

My colleague [Mr. BELL] anticipates the final settlement of the great question of internal improvement, when the people shall decide, and their will is represented. I heartily join him in that appeal to the people, and, so far as I can, will cheerfully stake the fate of internal improvement, yes, and my own fate, politically, upon that issue. Will my colleague do likewise?

[As Mr. ISACKS Concluded, Mr. BELL said, that in nothing he had said had he the remotest allusion to the course of Mr. I. He had no doubt that on this question his colleague fairly represented his constituents.]]

Mr. KENNON observed, that, being perfectly satisfied in his own mind that all the arguments which could be adduced would not change a single vote upon the subject, he felt himself bound to move the previous question.

The question was agreed to by a vote of yens 85, nays 67. So the previous question was carried.

The yeas and nays were called for, ordered, and taken, on the putting of the main question. It was carried by a vote of 105 to 76.

The main question, which was the passage of the bill, the objections of the President notwithstanding, was then put. The vote was as follows:

Mr. I. said, when he came here, some seven years ago, YEAS. Messrs. Armstrong, Noyes Barber, Bartley, a colleague of the President's, if members of different Bates, Baylor, Beekman, John Blair, Boon, Brown, BurHouses can be called so, the Tennessee, delegation, with ges, Cahoon, Childs, Chilton, Clay, Clark, Coleman, Conone exception, old George Kremer, and perhaps half a dict, Cooper, Crane, Crawford, Crockett, Creighton, dozen others, were all the political friends that could then Crowninshield, John Davis, Denny, Doddridge, Dorsey, be numbered for him in Congress. Nothing could be more Duncan, Dwight, Ellsworth, George Evans, Edward Evegrateful to him than the multiplication since. He was now, rett, Horace Everett, Findlay, Finch, Ford, Forward, and had been ever since, to this moment, no less the de- Grennell, Hawkins, Hemphill, Hodges, Howard, Hughes, voted personal and political friend of the President, than Hunt, Huntington, Ingersoll, Irvin, Isacks, Johns, Kenhe was then and had been before. And, in vindication of dall, Kennon, Kincaid, Lecompte, Letcher, Lyon, Mallahis honor, his honesty, patriotism, and firmness of purry, Martindale, L. Maxwell, McCreery, Mercer, Miller, pose, he would, on any proper occasion, "go as far as Mitchell, Norton, Pearce, Pettis, Pierson, Ramsey, Ranhe that goes furthest ;" and he trusted that his acts, in and dolph, Reed, Richardson, Rose, Russel, Scott, William B. out of this House, during the two last struggles for the Shepard, Semmes, Sill, Ambrose Spencer, Sprigg, StanPresidency, would be taken as a sufficient guaranty for bery, Standifer, Stephens, H. R. Storrs, W. L. Storrs, that pledge. But on the present question he differed Strong, Sutherland, Swann, Swift, Test, John Thompson, from the President-and what of that? We have [said Vance, Vinton, Washington, Whittlesey, Edward D. White, Mr I.] differed before. During the Congress that we Wickliffe, Yancey, Young.-96. were representatives of Tennessee, we often differed: but there was then a class of subjects we did not differ upon. We voted together (I speak from memory, not records) on the survey bill, on the bill to subscribe stock to the Chesapeake and Delaware canal, on the bill for the construction of the road from Canton to Zanesville, in Ohio, and on the bill appropriating fifty thousand dollars to remove obstructions in the Mississippi river. I do not say, and must not be understood to mean, that by those votes either

NAYS.-Messrs. Alexander, Allen, Alston, Anderson, Angel, Archer, Arnold, Bailey, J. S. Barbour, Philip P. Barbour, Barnwell, Barringer, Bell, James Blair, Bockee, Borst, Bouldin, Brodhead, Cambreleng, Campbell, Carson, Chandler, Claiborne, Coke, Conner, Cowles, Hector Craig, Robert Craig, Crocheron, Daniel, Davenport, W. R. Davis, Deberry, Desha, De Witt, Drayton, Dudley, Earll, Foster, Fry, Gaither, Gordon, Gorham, Hall, Hammons, Harvey, Haynes, Hinds, Hoffman, Hubbard, Jen

H. OF R.]

Graduation Bill.-The Light-house, &c. Bill.

[MAY 28, 29, 31, 1830.

nings, Cave Johnson, Perkins, King, Adam, King, Lamar, the stock of the Washington and Frederick Road Compa-
Lea, Leiper, Loyall, Lewis, Lumpkin, Magee, Thomas | ny, was finally passed by the following vote:
Maxwell, McCoy, McDuffie, McIntire, Monell, Muhlenberg, YEAS-Messrs. Armstrong, Noyes, Barber, Bates, Bay.
Nuckholls, Overton, Polk, Potter, Powers. Rencher, Roane, lor, John Blair, Brown, Burges, Cahoon, Chilton, Clark,
A. H. Shepperd, Shields, Smith, Speight, Richard Spencer,
Sterigere, Taliaferro, Taylor, Wiley Thompson, Trezvant,
Tucker, Varnum, Verplanck, Wayne, Weeks, Campbell P.
White, Wild, Williams-90.

[blocks in formation]

Mr. BOON called for the yeas and nays, and Mr. LEWIS made an unsuccessful motion for a call of the House; when

The question was taken, and the bill was laid on the table: yeas, 82-pays, 68.

THE LIGHT-HOUSE, &c. BILL.?

Coleman, Cooper, Crane, Crawford, Crockett, Creigh-
ton, John Davis, Denny, Doddridge, Duncan, Dwight,
George Evans, Edward Everett, Horace Everett, Find-
lay, Hawkins, Hemphill, Hodges Howard, Hughes, Hunt,
Huntington, Ingersoll, W. W. Irvin, Jennings, Kendall,
Kennon, Kincaid, Lecompte, Leiper, Magee, Martindale,
Mercer, Miller, Mitchell, Muhlenberg, Pearce, Pierson,
Ramsey, Reed, Richardson, Russel, Semmes, Sprigg,
Stanbery, Standifer, Sterigere, William L. Storrt, Strong,
Sutherland, Swann, Taylor, Test, Thomson, Vance, Var-
Wickliffe, Wingate, Yancy, Young-74.
num, Vinton, Washington, Whittlesey, Edward D. White,

Blair, Borst, Cambreleng, Chandler, Claiborne, Conner,
NAYS.-Messrs. Alexander, Anderson, Bell, James
Hector Craig, Crocheron, Deberry, Desha, Earll, Foster,
Gordon, Gorham, Haynes, Hinds, Ihrie, Cave Johnson,
Potter, Powers, Rencher, Roane, Augustine H. Shepperd,
Lea, Loyall, Thomas Maxwell, McCoy, Nuckolls, Polk,
Samuel A. Smith, Speight, Taliaferro, Verplanck, Camp.

bell P. White.-37.

The bill from the Senate, to authorize the payment of the claim of the State of Massachusetts for certain services of the militia during the late war, was finally past by the following vote:

YEAS-Messrs. Alexander, Anderson, Armstrong, Bailey, Barber, Bates, Baylor, Bell, Burges, Cahoon, CamThe amendments of the Senate to the bill making ap- bert Craig, Crane, Crawford, Creighton, John Davis, Debreleng, Claiborne, Clark, Coleman, Hector Craig, Ropropriations for light-houses, &c. as amended by the Committee on Commerce, were taken up. On these amend- berry, Denny, Desha, Doddridge, Duncan, Dwight, Earll, ments a debate arose, which continued till ten o'clock. A George Evans, Edward Everett, Horace Everett, Findlay, large number of members participated in the debate; but Gorham, Grennell, Hawkins, Hemphill, Hinds, Hodges, such were the confusion and indistinctness of the proceed. Howard, Hughes, Hunt, Huntington, Ihrie, Ingersoll, W. ings to spectators, during seveoal hours of the evening, in Irvin, Kendall, Kennon, Kincaid, Leiper, Magee, Marconsequence of the immense crowd of spectators, male and tindale, Mercer, Miller, Mitchell, Muhlenberg, Norton, female, which filled the Hall, even to the seats of the Pearce, Pettis, Pierson, Powers, Ramsey, Reed, Richardmembers, that it was impossible for reporters to under-son, Semmes, Smith, Sprigg, William S. Storrs, Strong, stand the questions correctly.

One of the principal points of contestation was, an appropriation made by the Senate, of forty thousand dollars for the examination and improvement of Black creek, in Maryland, (connected with the Chesapeake and Delaware canal) which was ultimately concurred in: yeas, 91Days, 47.

The bill from the Senate to authorize a subscription to the stock of the Louisville and Portland Canal Company, was finally passed by the following vote:

Sutherland, Swann, Swift, Taliaferro, Taylor, Test, John
ton, Whittlesey, Campbell P. White, Edward D. White,
Thomson, Vance, Varnum, Verplanck, Vinton, Washing-
Wilson, Wingate, Young.-83.

Conner, Warren R. Davis, Gordon, Haynes, Jennings,
NAYS. Messrs. James Blair, John Blair, Chandler,
Lea, Lecompte, Loyall, McCoy, Polk, Roane, Augustine
H. Shepperd, Speight, Stanbery, Standifer, Wickliffe,
Williams, Yancey.-21.

MONDAY, MAY 31, 1830.

The bills which originated in this House, last presented to the President for his approbation, were returned for his signature.

Fatigued to complete exhaustion, it became impossible YEAS-Messrs. Armstrong, Noyes Barber, Bates, Bay-longer to keep a quorum. For want of which, the House lor, John Blair, Brown, Burges, Cahoon, Chilton, Clark, at length adjourned. Cooper, Crane, Crawford, Crockett, Creighton, John Davis, Deberry, Denny, Doddridge, Duncan, Dwight, George Evans, Edward Everett, Horace Everett, Findlay, Grennell, Hawkins, Hemphill, Hodges, Howard, Hughes, Hunt, Huntington, Ihrie, Ingersoll, Irvin, Jennings, Kendall, Kennon, Kincaid, Lecompte, Leiper, Lyon, Martindale, Mercer, Miller, Mitchell, Muhlenberg, Pearce, Pettis, Pierson, Ramsey, Reed, Richardson, Russel, Shields, Semmes, Smith, Sprigg, Stanberry, Standifer, Sterigere, William L. Storrs, Strong, Sutherland, Swann, Taylor, Test, Thompson, Vance, Varnum, Vinton, Washington, Whittlesey, Edward D. White, Wickliffe, Wingate, Yan cey. Young-79.

The following message accompanied one of these bills: To the House of Representatives:

Gentlemen: I have approved and signed the bill entitled "An act making appropriations for examinations and surveys, and also for cersection which appropriates the sum of eight thousand dollars for the tain works of internal improvement;" but as the phraseology of the road from Detroit to Chicago, may be construed to authorize the appli cation of the appropriation for the continuance of the road beyond the limits of the Territory of Michigan, I desire to be understood as having this section is not to be extended beyond the limits of the said territory. approved this bill with the understanding that the road authorized by May 31, 1830.

NAYS-Messrs. Cambreleng, Claiborne, Conner, Hector Craig, Robert Craig, Crocheron, Warren R. Davis, Desha, Earll, Foster, Gordon, Gorham, Haynes, Hinds, Cave Johnson, Lea, Loyall, Magee, McCoy, Nuckolls, Polk, Potter, Powers, Rencher, Roane, Augustine H, Shepperd, Speight, Taliaferro, Campbell P. White, Wil-adjourn. liams-35.

ANDREW JACKSON.

The business of the session being finished, the usual committee was appointed to wait upon the President of the United States to inform him that the House was ready to The committee having reported, the Speaker adjourn

The bill from the Senate authorizing a subscription to ed the House sine die.

« PrejšnjaNaprej »