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APRIL 6, 1830.) Military Pensions.-Steamboat Accidents.-Buffalo and New Orleans Road. (H. or R. the Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union ; let Mr. W. said, he offered this resolution, because be bethem be printed, and let all the members have an oppor- lieved the House possessed the power, and might, by a tunity to examine them. If the House should then de- proper enactment, greatly diminish, if not altogether precide that articles of impeachment should be drawn up, all vent, the recurrence of the distressing accidents which now would have been done that the accused could rightfully so often take place on board of steamboats. Whoever ask.
[he said) had read the account of the late dreadful calamMILITARY PENSIONS.
ity on board the Helen Macgregor, must be satisfied that The House resumed the consideration of the following Mr. W. wished to be understood, that the committee would
it was owing to the negligence of some officer of that boat, resolution, reported by Mr. BATES, from the Committee be glad to receive suggestions from any person, or from op Military Pensions, on the 8th of January last :
Resolved, That the Committee on Military Pensions be any quarter, which would assist it in framing an efficient instructed, agreeably to the President's recommendation,
bill on the subject. As exemplifying his object, [said Mr. in his message of the 6th December last, to review the W.] he would mention one idea: it was to require, that pension law, for the purpose of extending its benefits to should be raised. At present it was the practice, for the
whenever a boat stops for any purpose, the safety valve every soldier who aided in establishing our liberties, and who is unable to maintain himself in comfort, and to re- parpose of saving fuel, to refrain from letting off the steam, port to the House a bill for that purpose
; and, also,
that regardless of human life. said committee be further instructed, agreeably to said re- euch accidents on the Obio or
Mr. WHITTLESEY had no doubt that all the cases of commendation, to report a bill for the relief of all those had suggested, and he approved of the object of the reso
ated as Mr. WICKLIFFE who were, during the last war, disabled from supporting lution. themselves by manual labor." Mr. WILLIAMS moved to amend the resolution by strik
The resolution was agreed to, nem. con. ing out the latter clause, expressing his willingness to BUFFALO AND NEW ORLEANS ROAD. provide for those who served in the revolution, but not for those of the late war.
The House then again resolved itself into a Committee Mr. J. W. TAYLOR expressed his sentiments in favored the consideration of the Buffalo and New Orleans road
of the Whole, Mr. HAYNES in the chair, and resumof the motion to amend, and gave an estimate of the num
bill. ber of soldiers of the late war already on the pension list, together with some reasons which induced bim to feel an mittee in opposition to the bill. He was by no means sur
Mr. ARCHER, of Virginia, rose, and addressed the conindisposition to extend the provisions of this resolution in relation to that class.
prised at the manifestation on the part of the committee, on The question was then taken on Mr. WILLIAMS'S a former day, of indisposition to bear with further debate. amendment, and decided in the affirmative, as follows:
He believed he might truly say that there was no gentle. yeas, 145—Days, 29.
man on that floor, who, having been so long a member of Mr. BURGÈS then moved to amend the resolution by than himself. Old a member as he was, his voice had
the House, had been found more abstemious in debate adding the following proviso : “ Provided that any aid thereby intended shall compre- matters connected with the committee to which he be
scarcely been heard during the present session, save in bend only such part of the militia as served in the revolu; longed. He felt, at all times, indisposition to address body of volunteers
, or were draughted to fill up the conti- even willing ears, much more such as were unwilling. nental army and served therein, and that in either for not There were occasions, however, on which a public man less than nine months."
ought not to be restrained, by minnr considerations, from Mr. BURGES stated that it was his object to make the expressing his views of important public questions. He bill definite and practicable.
considered the present as an occasion of this description. M. WILLIAMS made some remarks in reply to Mr. It was his sincere belief that there lay at the root of the BURGES, and in opposition to the motion to amend ; and present discussion considerations which ought to be statasked for the yeas and nays on the question, which were
ed-to be stated freely-more, to be stated boldly. His ordered.
capacities for public services in any mode, he estimated as Mr. DE WITT moved the following modification of the humbly as any man could do; but, as regarded its responamendment, wbich was accepted by the mover :
sibilities—in these, whilst taking a part in this service, he « Whether such service was performed during one un
could permit no man to go before him. He should feel as interrupted series of nine months, or at different periods if he did 80. That;State bad been accustomed to claim a
representing unworthily the State from which he came, of the war, amounting in the aggregate to nine months.”.
Mr. BURGES. then made some observations, which place behiud no other, in the necessary assertion of truth were cut short by the lapse of the hour.
here. He feared that, on the present occasion, however, the palm must be yielded to another State-to New York.
He had been both struck and gratied by the tone exhiTUESDAY, APRIL 6, 1830.
bited by several gentlemen from that State, (Mr. MONELL, The House baving resumed the consideration of the Mr. ANGEL, and Mr. STORBS) on the last day of the discusresolution respecting military pensions,
sion. New York had only to exbibit, on all occasions, a Mr. BURGES rose, and withdrew his amendment, not similar spirit of uncompromising disinterestedness, in wishing she said) to appear opposed to giving any thing reference to the legislativa of this Government, and she to the militia of the revolution, though, for the reasons he would indeed deserve the appellation of great, which it had already assigned, be thought the plan impracticable. was becoming fachionable to bestow on her: for a State, The question was then taken on the original resolution, like an individual
, could be truly great but by one mode as modified by Mr. WILLIAMS, and decided in the affir- the practice of a real public spirit. More than one gentle mative by yeas and nays-110 to 39.
man from that State had given, on the occasion alluded STEAMBOAT ACCIDENTS.
to, what he [Mr. A.) feared was a just view of the ques.
tion. The committee had been told truly, that the ques. Mr. WICKLIFFE submitted a resolution, instructing a tion was not of the construction of a road, but of the ereccommittee to inquire into and report some regulation by tion of a great policy, of which the bill was designed as which accidents on board of steamboats, from the explo- the foundation. of this policy, the road bad been called sion of the boilers, may be prevented.
the pioneer; and the appropriation demanded for it, the
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Buffalo and New Orleans Road.
(APRIL 6, 1830.
earnest-money of a wide extending plan of wasteful and, Where was the necessity? If a road made to the frontier selfish dilapidation of the public treasury. luto the jus- of one State met another passing to the frontier of the tice of these representations, be meant presently to in- State adjoining, there was no need of State compacts; yet quire. He must be indulged, iv the mean time, in a word it was upon this supposed necessity that the argument alof exhortation to the gentlemen from New York, to whom luded to rested for.its support. he had allusion; and that was to remain of good heart, It was the use of a road which constituted the test of its even though their apprehensions should be verified. A nationality. Wbat were the uses supposed to be of this predatury and privateering legislation might upfurl the character? Three were claimed-war, the mail, and comHag of this system of internal improvement, and all would merce between the States. The conduct of war, the transstill be well, if their great state would ride by the side of port of the mail, and the regulation of commerce between the South in the battle, and partake cordially in the war, the States, were uncontested national functions. Subserfor the preservation of the resources and purity of the vience to either of these, therefore, constituted a national Government.
use of a road. The question now, it was to be rememberThe question, then, was on the foundation of an ex- ed, was, not on the authority to construct roads for these tensive system of the construction of roads by this Go. uses-that, as belonging to the constitutional inquiry, was verument. Not on the system in its fullest extent, how- a point passed by ; it was on the policy, the advantage of ever. It was admitted to be confined by a character of instituting a general system of roads, or of the construction pationality in the works to be adopted. Mr. A. had no of this particular road in the bill. Did either of the naintention of going into the constitutional question brought tional uses mentioned, or all of them, demand either the to view by this remark. He hoped he had too just a taste general system or this road? These were the points to be to allude to any subject out of place; and it would be out considered. And, first, of war. This was a national use. of place to allude to the constitutional question in this The nation might make roads for war, if, and so far as, place. Till some force of eloquence, like the fabled their exigency demanded. And what was the character power of music in ancient times, could be found to awaken of this exigency! Its extent? The exigency was to meathe stones around, and bring the dead from the regions of sure the policy, to determine the propriety, of the partidarkness to light, let po chord of that discussion be struck. cular road. Did this exigency demand a wide spread sysTill that time, let it lie by the wall
. The General Go- tem of roads—(not in time of peace only-eved in time vernment was empowered to make roads of a national of war. The particular road would be noticed presently.) character. This was the ground assumed. This requisite The exigencies of war, in this respect, were not only exof nationality, it was impossible, in speculative reasoning: tremely limited as to space, but occasional oply, and of unto deny, How far the condition had been heretofore, or certain and temporary duration. Could such exigencies was likely to be observed in practice, every man was aware. found an extended system of roads--sustain a general poLet it be supposed there were no constitution in this Go- licy in this respect ! The exigencies of war, in particular vernment, and yet the complete system of State Go- circumstances. demanded the condemnation of private vernments subsisting with it. Would its jurisdiction even property—that the suburbs of towns should be burnt. then extend to a concurrence in every function of the Would 'this justify a general policy of condemnation of State Governments ? Who could be so absurd as to sup- property and burning the suburbs of towns in time of pose it? Who did not perceive that the States were, at peace, or even in time of war, before a special case of the the same time, separate jurisdictions, and parts of a gene exigency arose ! The argument was the same as to roads ral jurisdiction; and that there must be functions appro- for war. The function was limited to the concurrence of priate to each, and exclusive respectively of either, or the exigency, and measured by its extent. why the superfluity of a double establisbment of autho Then, as to the mail and commerce. Was any man rities, and, worse than the superfluity, the mischief
, as they found affirming that roads ought to be made for the mail, must be perpetually in conflict with no line of demarca: merely, supposing this is the only use for them! No one tion. It would be the inevitable conclusion, therefore, asserted this propositiou. Every one would disclaim it. that there was an appropriate province of jurisdiction for Then there was an end to the suggestion of the mål ex: the nation, as for the States; and when any function clusively furnishing the foundation of a general policy of was presented for exercise, or act to be performed, the making roads. proper inquiry would be, to wbich of these must it be
Next, as to commerce. The function claimed for the assigned ! By what test was this to be decided ? Obviously general authority in this respect, was to regulate comby the purpose and use of the act or function. If the re- merce. Was not the construction violent, which convertsults and use were to be national, then the function be- ed a power to regulate, into a necessity to make roads for longed to the authority of the nation, and not otherwise. commerce ! Pass this by, however, as approaching the The use, then, was the test. The application of this test constitutional question. Subserviency to commerce beneutralized the entire force of the argument of the gentle-tween the States was a national use. Did it require the man from Pennsylvania, (Mr. HEMPHILL] by whom the bill construction, in policy, (for that was the question ) of bad been introduced. That gentleman bad contended roads for object, where there were none previously to that the extension of a road into more States than one, of be found; that is to say, were this fact proved, there was itself, conferred on the road the character of nationality. no occasion for them if there were ocension for roads, But if it was the use which gave its nationality, then the there would have been roads ; or, if there were none in mere extent of the road was entirely immaterial. A road particular directions, no evidence could be better, that they of half a mile from a fort might have this character. A were not demanded by the exigencies of commerce--the road passing through every State in the Union might want discussion pow turning, not on the improvement of roads, it. The truth of this remark was apparent. If the mere but the policy of constructing them. The system found extension of a road made it national, as no road passed to them, not a real warrant, but a color and a name only unthe frontier of a State without the certainty of finding an der cornmerce. other there to meet it, every road to a frontier must be na Mr. A. would now advert, she said] in the way of iltional; the principle, from which this conclusion was fair, lustration principally, (the question engaging real inteproved too much, and must therefore be rejected. It was rest relating to the general policy,) to the character of the eqnally a mistake to maintain, as the same gentleman bad particular road which the bill presented. He should touch done, that, in order to the construction of an extensive line ibis point very briefly, as that which had been most disof road by the States, it was necessary there sbould be cussed. If, as the opponent of the general policy, he had compacts between the States engaged in the construction. I been called upon to state a case to expose it, he did not
APRIL 6, 1830.]
Buffalo and New Orleans Road.
(H. OF R
know that he could have selected one more favorable than 1 sented was, that another agent, with its funds, would be the present. A road from the city of Washington to Buf- added to the States. But this benefit would be realized falo, national and necessary! Why? Because the mail to a very partial extent only. Why should the States aphas its centre of emanation at the seat of Government, ply their funds to the object, after it bad been settled that does it follow, that munitions of war, and troops, and the the General Government had taken on itself the office? course of commerce, must emadate from the same point ? Would not the States, in prudence, wait for the action of Commerce demanding the construction of a road from the General Government, and expect their improvements Washington to Buffalo! What proposition could be stated from its funds? There was but one consideration to premore ludicrous ? The course of such a road would be vent—that the General Government was to be limited to transverse to all the commerce intervening between these works national in their character. But that this limitation points. Gentlemen designed to take from us all merit would be nominal merely, we were already instructed by in defeating their system, when they rested it on such pro- the highest information of experience. The question jects. Where were the terminating points, and of course was, therefore, not so much whether the General Govthe tracts and directions of war and commerce! Along, ernment was to be added, as to whether it was to take the and at every part of the seaboard frontier and the north- place of the States iv the office. The inquiry. was not of ern! Every road leading to either of these destinations, a gain, but a substitution of an agency for others. And was, or might be. subservient to these uses. Had either which of these functionaries, the General or State Goverobranch of the road iu discussion a termination is one of ments, was the better fitted for the conduct of operations these frontiers ? Both branches bad; but both at points of this kind! Why was it admitted universally that an the most remote from the centre whence they were made individual, or body of individuals, were better qualified to emanate, by routes the most iudirect; diagonal to the than any Governinent, or than any corporation even? And tracts which commerce does, or war or commerce may be a corporation better than a Government? All consent to expected to pursue. Desirous to avoid detail, Mr. A. the fact; and why! The proposition is established in rearested on the statement of the general incontrovertible son, as well as experience. The more general and reproposition on this point. If the mere fact of a road ter- mote au authority, the less its qualification for an execumipating on a frontier made it national, all roads with that tive functiou of complication or detail. It must be so, in termination were of this character. How many points the nature of things. The superiority of the resources were there in the northern frontier, of less importance of the General Government was suggested, however, as than Buffalo? Was Buffalo the chief point in relation to the counterpoise to the admitted force of this objection military operations during the late war? Were there not to its energies in the policy of internal improvement. But points of superior importance higher up, and a large ex- why and whence this superiority? The common fountain tent of frontier lower down the lakes and the St. Law- of resource is the pockets of the people. If the Generence? Why not all the roads on this frontier be compre- ral Government had any superiority of resource, then it hended in the principle set up! Mr. A. insisted that they had only to remit taxation beyond the demand of its pémight. He affirmed the priuciple in its full extent. The culiar and proper occasions, and the superiority disaponly advantage of Buffalo, iu relation to supplies of mili- peared. tary mudition or commerce, was, that it constituted the An advantage pot inferior was claimed for the General print of termination of the longest of the New York ca. Government, as regarded the modes of raising money nals, forming the obvious and best channel of communi. from its exclusive control over imposts, wbich were corication through the States from the seaboard ; and of course sidered at once the most prolific and accessible of the superseding the necessity for a road terminating at the sources of revenue. What was the real advantage of same point.
this, over the modes of direct taxation? It would be found Take the southern section of the road. Having its to consist in the operations being covert, and the contricourse through the centre and heart of the interior, it bútors not kuowing what they paid. That is to say, the could bave relation to war at its extreine point only, New recommendation of this mode of raising revenue was its Orleans ; to which the proper and most available channel delusion—that it cheated those it fleeced. He would not of supply of every kind was found in the never failing [said Mr. A.] affirm it to be desirable that the General and rapid current of the great stream on which it stood. Government should be divested of this resource. It might Where tributary streams did not present themselves, or be indispensable in war, when all resources were dewere deficient in water, the roads of the superior and manded; or in debt of large amount, which war might supplying country determined principally to this natural leave behind it; or occasionally as an art of defensive, channel. Were other points of the seaboard tbreatened, countervailing, commercial regulation. But when dethe course of transportation would be across the route of inanded by do imperious consideration of one of these the proposed road, wbich approached the maritime from classes, he did affirm, as his deliberate opinion, that the tier'in a line converging, and not direct. The error of suspension of its exercise would be attended with decisive ascribing to either section of the road an important office advantages. A federal Government was too remote from in regard to war or commerce, proceeded from consider the people, and wore to their view too much the aspect ing Washington as an issuing point of either, as of the of an unrelated Government, to be supervised with the mail
. This was a fallacy, yet the sustaining principle of rigor wbich, more than any other, it demanded. It was both branches of the road. The streams of defence or of peculiar importance from this cause---that, as regardcommerce bad Washington for their source, no more than ed its modes of raising money, there should be po disroutes transverse to the direct approaches of the northern guise; and of application of it, no extraordinary liability frontier or seaboard for their tracts, or single points, on to abuse. Duties were a disguised mode of raising mothese borders for their termination. The supplies of either ney, and internal improvements a mode of application of would have reached their destination, in time to have ac- it, in the highest degree open to abuse. Why this last ! complished their purposes, before the laggard course of Because works of this class demanded large disbursethis road could be traced.
ments, continued for long periods, and in complicated His purpose to this point had been [said Mr. A.) to strip forms. Disbursements in these circumstances invited the the system he was combating of unfounded pretensions. attempt at abuse, and facilitated success. Because the The value of internal improvement by roads, it was to be operations which works of internal improvement required, remembered, formed po part of the question. The ques. were of a nature which, from their difficulties, removal tion was, whether this Government should assume the from common knowledge, complexity, and the number function of making them. If it did, the benefit repre- of persons and extent of agency demanded, did not rea
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Buffalo and New Orleans Road.
(APRIL 6, 1830.
dily admit economy, and did readily admit infidelity as re- | State authorities could not be compelled to give effect to garded both their execution and management. The Gen- the laws of the United States. They might assume and eral Government derived, therefore, no recommendation for exercise this office, but it was optional
. This option, how. the office of internal improvement from its peculiar control ever, bad reference to laws of civil character only. As over imposts, more than from the nature of the function to regarded those of penal character, it was uncontested, be exercised.
that the State courts could not have jurisdiction given to A further recommendation of the prosecution of internal them, though they should be willing to exercise it. It would improvements by the General Government, had been urged, be an anoinaly, said the lawyers, for one political authorifrom the supposed tendency of this policy to introduce af- ty to execute the penal laws of another. But the regufiuities of intercourse and interest between quarters not lations required for the protection of roads demanded otherwise intimately related ; and, in this mapper, to exert penalties. They could consist of little else than the dean influence conducive to the barmony and cement of the Dunciation and enforcement of penalties. In proportion Union. There could be no higher recommendation if it to the multiplication of roads, these would have to be augwere well founded, certainly.
mented, not in number only, but severity also. The States But was any influence of this auspicious character to be were precluded from the office of their enforcement. What justly ascribed to the operations of the policy? Was not remained! This Government must have a system of road the real influence exactly the reverse ! The different quar- police of its own, courts, and officers, and force. Its preters of the Union had very unequal occasions and demands sent paraphernalia in this respect would not suffice. Its for works of internal improvement. Some had accom- courts and officers were too few, at distances too remote plished, or nearly so, their whole occasions of this descrip- from each other, and from the scenes in which they migbt tion. Would a spirit of concord be diffused in these quar- be called to act. These distinct judicatures and officers ters, by the spectacle of large and continued appropria. must be established for this special purpose, and provision tions in modes in relation to which they had no participa- made for the maintenance of their authority. And all this tion of interest in the objects or in the disbursements ? complication of arrangement was to be encountered-for Was a patient condition of feeling in these circumstances what? For maintaining this Government in the exercise to be expected ! Jealousies and discontent-would not the of a function, to say the least, demanded by no necessity, occurrences of these be inevitable! This was in the sup- as the States could perform it very well, and for which, position of honest administration of the system. But how for the very reason that it is the General Government, it strong were the inducements to administration of an oppo- was wholly unfit. site character! Discontent would bave to be appeared or Such was the character of this policy of internal imrepressed! By what methods ? By gratificatious to lull, provement, to be executed by the Government of the or interested combinations to stifle, their expression. Union! And now the question naturally arose, [said Mr. Where, tuo, was the limit to this evil in degree or time? A.] in what manner it bad happened that the policy Such a system prove a source of barmony! A cement to had not only been proposed, but to do inconsiderable ex the Union! This was estimating the operation of scram- tent adopted and carried into practice! He was brought bles of interest very strangely ? Not harmony, but ex- to this view of the subject, little agreeable, but most im. citement, open or concealed distrust; and under outside portant. It had happened, by a peculiar coincidence, that amity, smothered hostility-these were the fruits. An ex: the French revolution, the parent of so many important tepsive system of internal improvement in the name of consequences, had its birth in the same year with the conharmony! The cry would indeed be “ peace, peace, when stitution of the United States. The agitations growing there was no peace." No! Such a system would prove, out of this event, it was knowo, bad given the fullest eventually, as fatal to the harmony as the purity of the employment in attention to external relations and interests Government. The Union would not break--that would to tbe Government with wbich we were most connected, imply a remaining solidity of consistence-it would dis- and our own. Small scope remained for attention to subsolve under this influence ; for rotteoness does not break, jects of mere interior concern. This state of things subbut loses its coherence of parts from loss of the principles sided with the general peace of 1813. This subsidence, which cemented them!
in its general character and aspect so auspicious, was atBut waiving other objections, supposing the policy good tended, however, with an incidental effect of most injuriand wise, bave gentlemen familiarized their minds—be ous operation. It led in this, and most of the European might say, their perves-to the complication of parts the States, to the adoption of what is known as the protectsystem will involve? If this Government have roads, it ive, or tariff policy. He was not going into any discussion must bave supervisors of them. This very road will de- on this point, however invited by the allusions of the demand a number. The thousands which will be made to bate. Why? When so many, his superiors in judgment, connect with it-the tens of thousands of which the princi- retained the excitement which perseverance in this policy, ple which gave this birth, will be prolific, what armies of bere, bad awakened, why was be calm and at ease, though officers must they call into being? Where is the compli- partaking entirely the reprobation of its principle and cation of this system to have its end! Where the patron-operatiou? It was from the conviction that, in a free State, age, to call it by po harsher name? Were Congress con- truth and public interest must eventually vindicate themverted to a board of public works, where would room be selves. He had, therefore, no question that this policy found for this new office? The Executive employed in its must eventually frustrate itself
. His belief was undoubtfunction of appointment, would not his hands be filled ? ing, that in a period which be hoped would not be very
But, furthermore, the roads constructed, must have pro- long, many who were now most forward in pressing and vision for their protection. They cannot be left destitute maintaining this system, would be ashamed to avow they in this respect, as the history of all roads of expensive con- had been its friends. We bad some foretaste of this result struction proved. But the office of protection, it could not at this session, in the invincible repugnance which had be contided to State regulation. This might be inade- been manifested over and over again to bring the practiquate, or in its exercise remiss. A State might bave no cal operation of the system under discussion. The time interest opposed to a road being placed in a condition to would come, and probably before the discussion would be demand repair
, or even a direct interest of reversa cha- permitted, when there would be nothing remaining to disracter. It might be jealous, moreover, of the competition cuss. To return to the subject, however, the best and of federal roads with those constructed by its own citizens most beneficial institutions were never found exempt from or authority. There must be safeguards against all these a mixture of evil operation; por was our excellent federal contingencies. It had been decided in the courts that system exempt from this common law. The subsidence
APRIL 6, 1830.]
Buffalo and New Orleans Road.
(H. OF R.
of the excitements growing out of a general state of war, cured completely. He only wondered how he could ever by general peace, had left Government, here as elsewhere, have fallen into it. Individual men, with very rare exroom for the exercise of its energies in interior operation ceptions, must submit to the control of circumstances. Government could never be sufficiently imbued with the operating for an object so alluring, wbat policy could they important truth, that its greatest evil was over-action ; nor be committed to, which would not bend to that which was men get rid of the belief in which they were bred, that they personal—the extension of connexions—the debilitation of were to regard its operation as the positive source, and not rivals--the advancement pretensions. He mentioned merely the guardian of their prosperity. Its proper bene- this as no peculiar reproach. The thing, be repeated, was ficial province was, in preventing intrusion-keeping inevitable-must be so. Although he was ready and ripe hands off—its owo as well as the hands of others—from in- then for coalition, in reference to the Presidency, it sbould dividual exertion and its fruits, which formed the real not be on the pretensions of any individual. But if a capsources of all public as well as private prosperity. If he didate who promised to bring weight to the election stood were called upon to state what had been pre-eminently comunitted by position, not profession, (for that he should the curse of human society, he should say too much go- have little value) to vindicate interests and principles verpment; and that produced, in a great degree, by the which he (Mr. Al considered as suffering injustice and epidemic frenzy of believing that its operation was an oppression from the present operation of the Government, active priociple of prosperity. Our federal system was for any candidate in these circumstances, he was willing liable, in a peculiar manner, to mischief from over-action. to go into confederncy. If any candidate standing in this From the vast and varied extent of surface it supervised, commitment promised strength to tear away this parasite it embraced necessarily an unusually great diversity of tariff which wound around the trunk of the Union to suck interests--so great as in instances to become inimical
. out its vitality, for this candidate he would go into coaliThis must, of course, happen in a greater degree, and tion. If any promised weight to sink this picaroon policy there would be a greater warfare of these interests under of internal improvement, for him he would go into conlia federative system than any other. Contiguous interests tion. were little disjoined or easily reconciled. Not so of the He had been led (said Mr. A.) into this course of inciremote. To what did this lead! It had been said, in re- dental remark in the way of illustration. Having no perlation to religious sects, that their diversity and multipli- sonal interest to serve or injure, it was no merit that he cation were the safety of the State, because, if any one aim spoke with unreserve. The proposition he wished to inat ascendency, the others will be in activity to arrest it. culcate was this, that coalition among special interests, emBat this remark was not transferable to interests of social braced by our wide extending system, to obtain ascendency character. It was true of religious sects, because it be at the expense of others, or the general interest, was an longed to their nature to refuse coalescence, and the more inberent evil of the system, the qualification to its otherviolently as they approximated accordance in their tepets. wise transcendent excellence. In the theory, the strength The observation had held, over the whole world, in every and counsels of all were to be combined for the safeguard region; but social interests observed do such law, and, of each ; but the operation did not correspond to the puleast of all, under a federative system. They are widely rity of the theory. It was this circumstance that furnished dispersed, moderated by none of the affinities which neigh- the key to incidents which had given so much occasion borbood engenders, even among opposing interests. Each to surprise in our proceedings here. The smallest sums seeks its gratification. How are they to attain it? There of money would sometimes be denied to the most essential was but one mode of any extensive success, and that was public service, and the most prodigal grants made the by the coalition of several, making the weak strong, and same day, in lands or money, to schemes baving obthe strong safe. This mode had the advantage, besides, viously only doubtful or inconsiderable claims to favor. of extending responsibility and shame. Men were em. The solution was no secret to persons familiar with the boldened to do what, without this principle of support, scene. The disbursement in these cases furnished the tbey would hesitate to avow to their own thoughts. The motive, was the benefit contemplated, not the nominal obprinciple itself was of inevitable operation in our system. ject to be effected. Let the pension system be an examTake that one of our public concerns which, in point of ple. This system, as regarded the selection of subjects in interest, had come nearly to absorb every other, as an il- reference to indigence merely, was said he believed lustration--the election to the Presidency. How much bad truly) to have had its origin in a mistaken estimate of the this to do with merit in the candidates ? Every body knew numbers it would comprehend. Unceasing efforts were that was of subordinate consideration. No man, in a sphere made of late. notwithstanding, to enlarge its compreso diffused, by personal merit or qualification, (excepting hension. Had these efforts any connexion, as the aspect always the ipfuence of revolutionary service, or some sig- imported, with zeal to provide reward and relief for renal achievement.) could command a popularity sufficient, volutionary, service! No one was imposed on by prely general to insure success! Why? Every quarter had tence of this kind here. The real inducement was known its pretender, limiting the circle of pretension of every to stand in contrast to any impulse of enthusiasm or geneother. How was any to obtain the goal, in the jostle of rosity. _It was a simple principle of pecuniary calculamovements on the common object | It was only to be tion. The purpose was to transfer a heavy pour rate to achieved by combination of courtervailing or separated this Government, from quarters in which the burden pretensions, till a predominance was created. The lever pressed unequally, if each sustained its fair proportion ; of some powerful motive must be set at work to roll the and then, by extension of principle, to augment to the utlogs together, till the pile was raised to the required ele. most the benefit from the disbursement. There were, of vation. Did he mention this in any way of stigma to in- course, exceptions, and a mixture of motive, but this was dividuals ? Not at all. He stated it [said Mr. A.) as the leading one. A bill had passed one branch of the an inevitable infirmity of our form of Federal Government. Legislature, at this very session, to enlarge the limit of inThe thing was not so by accident or occasion, but necessi- digence entitling to relief, one thousand dollars--a sum ty. So far from quarrelling with what was inevitable, for wbich would be regarded as independence for the body one, he was disposed to turn it to account; for there was of the population anywhere else, though it constituted leno form of evil from which good might not be extracted gal indigence with us. Jf the extension had been proposfor its alleviation. He was willing now—at any time-heed to a larger sum, within any boundary that would not ayowed it--to go into coalition in relation to the election threaten counteraction from public indignation and sbame, for the Presidency. Not for a man-he was done with so- the success would have been no less unequivocal. licitude as related to particular men. Of that folly he was The expenditures for fortifications illustrated the same