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have full confidence ; and although thick clouds may seem, and they will reflect-they will consider, and they will de to gather over us at this time-although there may seem termine in this grand question. With that determination to be a spirit abroad in the land, unfriendly to the perma. future Congresses would be content; and, acquiescing in nent existence of our free institutions-although, on some that determination, vothing more would be said or done great national interests, honest politicians may honestly about expending the property of all for the benefit of the few. differ in opinion, yet the republic will safely ride out the It is of no importance to determine whether more or less storm. Our country, our whole country, is a sentiment of the revenue is collected in one or in another section of which cannot fail to influence the public conduct of every the country. Although frequent allusions have been made upright legislator. The people may think differently to the amount paid into your public treasury by particular put in jeopardy their liberties

, and they will act together. States, yet, is it not to be inferred from that circumstance If the majority of the tax payers of this republic are fa- that the inbabitants of those particular States are in that vorably disposed to the subject of interval improvements proportion the actual contributors to your revenue ? No! to this road-making project-the system will continue ; if At ports of entry your revenue is collected, but the peootherwise, it cannot progress. And I do, therefore, en pleihe consumers are the payers; and, although, in the treat gentlemen who profess to be the ardent supporters region of country where I happen to live, the people may of this system, ziot to halt, but to go forward, and put the not be known at the treasury, yet the wares and mercbauBubject home to every man in the community. Let the dise by them consumed draw heavily upon their purses, people not be deceived—let them see-let them feel the to supply the common fund; and whether the goods are effect of this policy at once. I presume that no member entered at Providence, or Boston, or Portsmouth, they are of this committee will pretend that he can, coustitutional Devertheless part of the consumers of the country, and ly, take a given portion of the common fund, and appro- pay their full and just share for the support of the Govpriate it for purposes of local interoal improvements, uolesseroment. he could impose a direct tax to the same amount upon the The good citizens of my own State are not, and never people for the same object. No, even in this day of strange have been, behind the citizens of the other States, in conthings no such absurdity would be pretended. I would, tributing their full portion of physical and pecuniary” therefore, for the purpose of ascertaining the true state of means for the common defence of the republic, and for the the public mind on this subject, wbich is in all probability advancement of its general welfare. But I hold it to be hereafter to claim much of the time and attention of Cob- unequal and unjust that they should be taxed for the be. gress, recommend to the warm friends of this measure to nefit of particular sections of the Union. Such a course let the treasury alone, to keep their bands clean, and im- strikee my mind as anti-republican—as against the spirit pose a direct tax upon the people for the amount wanted. of our free institutions—as at war with the first principles Raise a sum of five millions of dollars (for a less sum will of our federative Government. And entertaining such not suffice) by direct taxation. Send your tax gatherers sentiments, we will pot aid in such projects ; as much as to every hamlet—to every man in your country: tell bim we love our sister States, and rejoice in their prosperity, * you want his money for the purpose of constructing a na- we cannot but regard this measure as an attempt to aptional road from Buffalo to New Orleans, or, should the propriate a portion of the common fund for local objects

, et amendment of the gentleman from Massachusetts be adopt- by mere dumerical force, without the consent and against ed, from Boston, by the northern and western lakes, to the will of some of the old members of the confederacy, the city of Washington, and from thence to New Orleans; who were partners to the origival contract. And believ. and the return of these officers will tell you a tale that ing that I know the sentiments of New Hampshire on this cannot be misunderstood. They will give you the honest subject, I should be unfaithful to my constituents should I state of public opinion; and I greatly miscalculate the signs withhold my vote against this project; should I suffer it to of the times, if the present friends of this system would pass without raising my voice against it. I must oppose to not then be found among its enemies. I greatly misjudge the measure as fraught with the grossest injustice. if the sovereigos of this country would not speak in such It is not my purpose, at this time, to present an argu- og a manner as to make the throne itself tremble. At any ment on the constitutional powers of Congress to construct event, in this way the honest, unbiassed sentiment of the roads—that subject has been often and ably discussed ; but public mind would be made known in relation to the I have been, and I shall be obliged, in the further proseimportant subjects of making local internal improvements, cution of this subject, to submit some incidental remarks at the cost and under the direction of this Government

. in relation to the legitimate exercise of the power granted This would be the fair course. This would be the hopest to Congress by the express provisions of the constitution, course. But the course now pursued, first filling your in relation to the subject of making local improvements at treasury by indirect taxation, and then taking therefrom the expense of tbis Government. what is wanted to answer particular purposes, is the most I have said that I must oppose this particular bill now deceptive to the people at large.

under consideration; and the principal reasons which have The consumers, who are the tax payers of this country, induced this opposition, independent of constitutional obandually contribute to the filling of the public treasury, jections, I will succinctly state. without seeming to care in what way the money is expend I do not believe that this road would be of such national ed. They know that a large public debt is outstanding importance-of such indispensable pecessity, as to justify they know that the Government must be sustained—they Congress in constructing and perfecting it at the expense know tbat fortifications must be erected, and must be arm of the Government. ed—they know that our navy must be supported, and that I do believe that all these facilities of communication our army will not be deserted. They know these things; between one section and another section of our country and they know that the resources of the nation may be le- should be provided at the expense of the several States, gitimately applied to these objects. And they believe within whose limits such improvements are required. that their public servants will not appropriate from the I do believe that all appropriations made for such purcommon fund for anything not connected with the com- poscs, at the cost and expense of the General Government, mon defence or promotive of the general welfare

. On must of necessity be unequal and unjust ; bearing lightly this point a great portion of the American people have not on some sections of the Union, and heavily on others sufficiently reflected, because their attention has not been bestowing your munificence on some sections of the Union draton to it by any regard to their interest-but directly withholding it from others and on this account, such to them-put home upon them-let them feel, let them projects should not receive the favorable consideration of know that their money is wanted, and for what purpose, Congress.

APRIL 12, 1830.)

Buffalo and New Orleans Road.

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I do not believe that national expenditures for purposes the munitions of war. That this nation would have this for a of internal improvement, tend to a dangerous increase and great military road, I am equally ivcredulous on tbis point as influence of Executive patronage

on the one which I have just noticed. It cannot be wanted I do believe that a sense of justice, which should inva- for this plain reason that such are the facilities of comriably control the operations of our Goveroment, requires, munication which now exist between the different sections upou some fixed and established principle, a just distribu- of this public, that even should this couptry be visited

tion of the surplus revenue among the several States, with the calamity of another war, in that event, this road I provided that fund must coutinue to be drawn from the between Buffalo and New Orleans would be but little used I puekets of the people, for the purpose of being expended as a military road. Better ways are now in existence or 1 in the construction of roads and canals. I say that a sense in progress for carrying heavy ordnance and all munitions 1 of justice, in such a case, demands that an equitable divi- of war from Buffalo and the region of the lakes, by our i sion should be made among all the members of the confe- canals and our rivers, even to New Orleans. Aud such is

deracy. Any thing short of this would savor of injustice the nature of these facilities for internal communications, and oppression.

that our munitions of war can, at all times, be conveyed These are among the reasons why I shall vote against with much less expense and loss than would be unavoidaí this bill.

ble in the use of this pational road for any such purposes. I cannot regard this measure, potwithstanding all that has And such transportations can, at all times, be made with į been urged, as necessary either for commercial or military the most perfect safety to the country, free from the dan

purposes, or for the inore safe or more expeditious trans- ger of attack from any enemy whatever. portation of the public mail. The inexpediency of this It is further urged that this road is intended for the particular project, on these several points, has been most transportation of the public mail, and in that view should fully and satisfactorily shown, by the able argument of the be regarded as of sufficient national importance to wargentleman from Virginia, [Mr. BARBOUR] who first nd- rant the expense of constructing and completing this condressed the committee; and at this late hour of the debate, templated improvement. I am free to admit that it should I do not purpose to trespass on their patience by any be among the leading objects of those who have the adminute examination of these topics, but sliall merely give ministration of the legislation of the country committed to some very general views in relation to them.

their hands, to provide for the safe and expeditious trausIt is alleged that this road would be of great national portation and conveyance of the public mail. It is due importance, in a conimercial point of view; that, regarding to our citizens, it is due to the people that their represent

it as the means of affording great commercial facilities, it atives should do all that can with propriety be done, to i ought to be coustructed at the expense of the republic. I give them the means of receiving information of the pass

ask, where is the evidence in support of this fact ! Where ing events of the times, with safety and with all pos:ible are the reasons, the considerations, which would warrant expedition. Nevertheless, in the establishment of a post this comınittee in coming to this conclusion! We look in road, or in the construction of any way over which the vain for them. They exist merely in the imaginations of public mail is to be conveyed, every unnecessary or imgentlemen! They have no real foundatiou. it is not in prudent expenditure of the common treasure should be the nature of things that our commercial intercourse be avoided. Some sacrifices must be made for the public tween Buffalo aod New Orleans can be, or would be, in weal-individuals must submit to some inconveniences for creased by the coustruction of this road.

the advancement of the general welfare. Now, this road Any individual, acquainted with the geography of the is not called for, to facilitate or to expedite the public mail country, cannot for a moment suppose that should this from Buffalo to Washington. It is well known that such rond, in course of time, become like the Appian way, a new way for any such object is not required, and would should it become perfected by the locatiou of iron rails, not tend to the promotion either of individual interest or that any of the commerce of the lakes-that any of the of the general good. trade in the proximity of these Inkes—that any of the And how is the fact in relation to the contemplated road business of Buffalo, or of that region of country, would be between the city of Washington and New Orleans? Wbatdiverted from their patural chaonels. No; make this ever reasons may exist for constructing a post road, on a national road as fiue and as perfect as the art, the ingenu- part of the route, for the mere purpose of a more safe ity, and the industry of man can make it-still, not a sin- and expeditious conveyance of the public mail, I cannot gle ton less of the produce of the country would float for a moment entertain the idea that, at this period of down the western canal; not a single ton less of merchan- our history, there exists any necessity for this Governdi-e would be transported upon it from the market to the ment to lead her aid in the construction of any public interior.

road, for any purpose whatever, through the territorial The great object of the farmer is to find a market for limits of these parts of the Union. Is it come to this, the produce of the labor of his hands. The great object that the funds of the nation are to be taxed to make a of the cultivators of the soil is to obtain, at the least possi- vatiouat road through Virginia, for the pretended purpose ble expense, a market for all they make to sell; and it can of the necessary transportation of the public muil? No, not seriously by urged that the products of the agricultu- it cannot be; and I was not surprised-1 was gratified—to rist or the manufacturers would be transported from hear one of the lineal sons of the ancient domivion, on this the region of Buffalo, over this road, through the State of floor, in so eloqueut and so forcible a manner, repudiate Pennsylvania, to the city of Washington, and from thence that idea. to New Orleavs. The idea is preposterous. A better The facts, which are within the reach of every member way is already provided—one, not by the funds of this Go- of this House, must satisfactorily prove that this rond is not vernment, but by the enterprise and the efforts of a single indispensably necessary, either for the safe trausportation, State. A better market is at hand; and our farmers would or for the more expeditious conveyance of the public be a little too attentive to their interests to abandon that mail. I cannot, therefore, feel justified, upon any view way and that market for this great national road, or for all of the subject, in leuding any aid in accoinplishing this the prospects of gain wbich Washington or New Orleans improvement at the expense and under the direction of could afford.

this Government, on the ground that it is of a national The expense of constructing this road cannot be justi- character, and of national importance. And I am unable fied for any commercial purpose. It is further urged to discover why this better deserves the name of vational that this road would be of great national importance, re- road, than any public road which begins and which ends garding it as the means of facilitating the transportation of in my owo State. It merits not the name; and we, the re

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Buffalo and New Orleans Road.

(APRIL 12, 1830.

presevtatives of the people, ought not to appropriate the perfectly well understood; the powers granted and the property of this nation in establishing this road, either for powers reserved by the people were not then matters of the pretended purpose of facilitating the intercourse be- speculation. The great struggle, wbich bad terminated tween different sections of the Union for carrying on in- in the establishnient of our country's independence, was ternal commerce, as it is called-for the purpose of a mili- too recent; the people were then too jealous of power, tary road, or for the purpose of a more safe and expedi- to bave accepted any charter of their liberties, containing tious conveyance of the public mail. The object to be at any provision which might, by possibility, prove danger. taiped would not justify the expense; and, as the faithful ous to their rights as freemen. 'Never would they have guardians of the interests of the people, it does strongly jeopardized their equal privileges, by giving to the ma. impress my mind that we should oppose the measure, at jority of Congress the power, at any time, to appropriate all events as inexpedient and as impolitic.

the common funds as their mere will and pleasure should In the course of my remarks, I have said, and I now direct. If such a power had been supposed to have exrepeat, that if the present tariff of duties should be consisted under our constitution, it would have been early tinued; if we are determined annually to drain from the exercised; and I presume to state, that we should not at pockets of the people twelve millions of dollars more this time have had to cross over a road so badly made as than can be necessary for the gradual reduction and ulti. we now find between the city of Richmond and the Potomate discharge of the public debt, and to meet the ordi- mac. If such a power had been supposed to have existed, nary expenditures of this Government; if such a surplus the great influence of Virginia in the council of this nashall annually be at the disposal of the Congress of the tion would bave been successfully exerted in the couUnited States; if this amount is annually to be distribut- struction of all her public roads, at the expense and under ed, under the direction and control of the National Legis- the direction of this Government. If such a power bad Jature; if this sum, or any portion of it, is to be appro- been supposed, in our early history, to have appertained to priated on objects of interual improvement, I ask, how the Congress of the United States, not a road or cadal shall it be divided ? how shall it be distributed ! In one would bave been made without the application of the pesection of the Union? Forbid it, ye ministers of justice! cuniary means of the republic. But no such sentiment was I answer, as the whole Union contributed to the common then entertained; no such idea was harbored by our polifund, let the whole Union participate in the benefits of the tical fathers. They then believed, and they then practised, distribution. As I have before said, apportion this fund, that Congress only had the power “ to lay and collect upon some settled and equitable principles, among the taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts, and several States, unless you are disposed to do a still greater provide for the common defence and general welfare of act of justice, by leaving it untouched in the pockets of the the United States.” They believed, and practised, that people.

they had not the power of laying and collecting imposts If the United States should receive no more from im- for any other purpose. posts than would be required to meet the current expenses It was reserved for this day of strange things to give a of the Government, to provide the ways and means of ex. different coustruction to the constitutional powers of Continguishing the public debt, would Congress presume to gress. In some of the members of this Union, admitted impose a direct tax, for the express purpose of collecting a since the establishment of our present Government, a confund to be appropriated in the construction of roads and struction seems to be given to the constitution, compatible canals, or any other objects of internal improvement pot with an evlarged and liberal exercise of congressional clearly warranted by the letter of the constitution? They power. And if the sentiments of the States are fairly would not dare to do this. Such an experiment, would, in represented by the opinion and votes of their delegates, my judgment, prove fatal to the best hüpes of the friends there are some of the oldest States who tow believe that of this system.

a power exists in Congress to lay and collect imposts for How would the proposition have been received, (by the purposes of internal improvement-such a liberal and en tax paying people of this country,) to have incorporated a larged construction to our constitution must have been the provision in the constitution, vesting a power in Congress growth of modern time. to establish and regulate imposts, not for the purpose of I canvot believe, however, such to be the sentiment of collecting a revenue for the support of Government; not New Hampshire ; aud on this point I do not speak without for the purpose of protecting any particular interests ; authority. In 1822, our legislature had their attention but for the mere object of collecting a fund to be appro- drawn expressly to this subject, by our then chief magispriated, under the direction of Congress, from time to trate; and I must ask the indulgence of the committee time, on local objects of internal improvement?. Sir, such while I read from his message the following passages : a propositiou would have excited a general feeling of hos “The words to provide for the common defence and tility, from one to the other extreme of the confederacy. geveral welfare,' are merely mentioned as the objects for The constitution never would bave been accepted by which the power to raise taxes is given, and the power to the tax paying people of this republic, if such a provision lay taxes is the only specific power given by this article had been expressly introduced into it by our political futh of the constitution. Under this erroneous construction, a ers. They too well understood the character of the Amer majority of Congress seem to suppose that they are investican people, to bave recommended to them to invest in ed with power to appropriate the national resources to Congress any such power.

objects of mere ioternal improvement, such as making Would New Hampshire have gone forward, and by her canals and roads in the interior of our country, which have vote unqualifiedly accepted the constitution as binding vo connexion whatever with either the common defence, upon herself! Would any of the small States of the or the general welfare, other than that which all interval Union have done this, if the great States, in the legitimate improvements, even the building of bridges or mills, or exercise of their constitutional powers, could appropriate the improvement of the soil, possesses. It is too obvious any portion of the revenue for making roads and canals, to be disputed, that, if this clause of the constitution gives or for any objects of internal improvement! No, sooner to Congress the authority to make such roads and canals, would they have remained in their colonial relation to the even a less exteoded construction of it must include mother country, than to have jeopardized their particular every specific power vested by, that instrument, and thus rights, by yielding any such general power; and not until render them wholly impertinent and unmeaning-ap inconthe latter period of our history, bave any such powers been sistency and absurdity which could not be admitted, exattempted to be exercised. When ihe constitution came cept under the most imperative necessity. Were the fresh from the hands of the people, its provisions were phrase in question to be regarded even as a delegation of

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APRIL 12, 1830.]

Buffalo and New Orleans Road:

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power to provide for the general welfare, yet, on every too heavy to be borne, and we will work out our own salknown and acknowledged principle of interpretation, it vation. We will go on as we have done ; appropriate and would be liable to receive a strict construction, and con- work out as we have done, the annual tax of two hundred sequently could authorize only such measures of Con- thousand dollars, in making and repairing our highways, gress as were in their nature general, extending direct and in effecting the desirable objects of internal improvebenefits to every part of the nation, and not such as were ment under our own supervision. directly beneficial only to a part, and to the remainder But if the present policy must be persevered in, if the merely incidentally, by possibility, or on some remote and people must continue to be indirectly taxed for the purpose uncertain contingency. The consequences which may of filling the public treasury, to be appropriated, under naturally be expected to result from giving so broad and the direction of this Government, in the construction of indefinite a construction to this clause of the constitution, roads and canals, the language of New Hampshire is be as would authorize Congress to appropriate the national just

. She does not solemnly protest against an act of resources to mere objects of internal improvement, ought such flagrant injustice as compels her while she makes her not to be disregarded in a consideration of this question. owo roads, at her own cost, to appropriate annually one The national resources, so applied, would generally be hundred thousand dollars (twice the amount of her State directed to great and imposing objects in those parts of tax) to help the great State of Pennsylvania to make the country wbich were susceptible of them on that ex- bers. tensive and magnificent scale which would gratify those This expenditure of the public treasure is attempted to national feelings which always have a powerful influence, be justified on the ground that it serves to cement more whilst those which were less adapted to gratify these feel firmly the various parts of the confederacy. It is a most ings, although of equal or even greater importance, and fallacious and deceptive argument. The very circumstance those affecting the interests of the smaller and more re- of an equal distribution of the common fund, which must mote sections of the country, would be either wholly neg- necessarily take place in effecting objects of internal imlected, or receive less than a proportionate share of the provement, would create distrust and jealonsy among the attention of the Goverument.

less favored members of the Union; and if it has any bear" Jealousies and discord would inevitably spring from ing, its tendency must be of a character different from real or supposed partiality in the appropriations for these that which the friends of the system bave urged. objects, and endanger that general harmony which is in But the fact is certain, that the State of New Hampshire timately connected with national happiness. It would does not require the exercise of any such power to bind greatly extend that indirect power and influence of the her to the Union. She fully realizes the value of our free Government, derived from its patronage, which ought al. institutions, and she would be the last State in the coufedeways to be feared as a principal source of that intrigue racy to give up the ship. She rallies around the constituand corruption which has so generally destroyed or im- tion as the charter of her liberties, the foundation of her paired every thing valuable in human Governments. No hopes, and she needs not that rope of sand to rivet her afmotives are discovered that should induce such a wish that fections. There is no disloyalty within her borders. Her the constitution might be found stisceptible of a construc- citizens contribute much of her treasure, and have spent tion which should authorize Congress to expend the na- much of her blood, in procuring and maintaining públic tional resources in mere objects of internal improvement, freedom. And while the names of her Stark, of her unless accompanied by a belief that these objects would Sullivan, and her Scummel, shall be remembered, so long be more judiciously and economically attained under the as the sacrifices and services of her revolutionary patriots direction of the National than of the State Governments. shall be preserved in mind, the loyal faith of New Hamp: But no facts or evidence are known to exist, wbich can be shire will never be questioned. Some solitary individual thought to warrant the expectation. In National Govern- may linger among the wilds of the interior, who has dared ments generally, it is to be hoped our own may prove an to breathe forth the sentiment of disloyalty. But if, in fact, exception) waste and profusion, corruption and favoritism, such a sentiment ever had a real existence, it never could Connect themselves with every national undertaking and have extended beyond him who conceived and who brought expenditure."

it forth. The legislative assembly of New Hampshire-the imme I have observed that I do not oppose the improvement diate representatives of the people, did not, on that occa- of your harbors, your ports of entry, for I cannot but resion, withhold the expression of their opinion on this sub- gard such measures as directly connected with the public ject. They responded to the sentiments of the Executive, welfare; and I have, since the commencement of this sesand declared, by their resolutions, which were adopted sion, voted for a just distribution of the avails of your with great unanimity, “ that the constitution bas not vested public lands among the several States. ia Congress” the power wbich is now attempted to be ex I consider, the public domain as the property of the ercised, and that no such power should be vested in Con- whole Union, ceded for the common benefit, or purchased gress. It was believed that the existence of such a power by the common fund; and I voted for this, because we were would be dangerous to the rights and privileges of the told by the President in his message, that we should not emall States. Such I believe to be the sentiments of New want the present amount of revenue, either for the pay. Hampshire-a sentiment I feel bound, no less from a sense ment of debts

, or for ordinary expenses. And when the of duty to my constituents, than from the force of indi- resolution of the gentleman from North Carolina, [Mr. vidual feeling, to assert and maintain.

CONNER] proposing a reduction of the duty on salt, was We have works of internal improvements in that State, introduced, it was then immediately strangled-a duty which we should be pleased to have accomplished. But which bears most hardly on my own people

. I became sarelieve us from the national debt, and then forbear to levy tisfied that the present tariff must be continued at all events. upon us unnecessary taxation. Free my own constituents Then I was for doing for the benefit of my people all that was from an annual tax of not less than fifty thousand dollars

, within my power. I should have much preferred to have which they now pay in the oppressive duty on salt: relieve had a judicious adjustment of our tariff of duties. I them from a like amount which is now drawn from their should have much preferred to have let the money remain pockets by the present duties on teas; relieve them from in the pockets of the people. I should have much prethe onerous duties on iron and on coffee ; all which articles ferred to have had my constituents saved from the annual tax are of general use, and which duties remain in the aggre- on their industry of two hundred thousand dollars at least, gate as an annual tax upon their industry, of not less than in the way of duties on salt, on tea, on coffee, and on iron two bundred thousand dollars; free us from these burdens, | -articles of prime necessity, and wbich enter very gene

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H. OF R.]

Buffalo and New Orleans Road.

(APRIL 12, 1830.

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rally into their consumption. But I was convinced that, tional scruples, would not have any serious scruples to this this would not be done; and although existing duties on road, if it could pass through their district. At any rate, these articles were not wanted for purposes of manufac- if it must be made, the route through their districts is the turing protection, yet Congress was apparently determined proper route, notwithstanding all the engineers bave said to retain them; and the subsequent history of our proceed upon the subject. The road is assailed hy objections the ings will show that I had not formed erroneous conjectures. most various, and frequently of the must opposite kind. Under these circumstances, and with these considerations, For some, it is too far west; for some, not far enough; for I voted for an equal distribution of the avails of the public some, it is too long, and ought to terminate at Memphis-lands. I shall do it again-not out of any hostility to the looking towards Texas; for others, it is too short, and ought West, but because, in my judgment, their interest would to go to Boston, by the way of Lake Champlain. One thing not be injured, and a benefit would be conferred on my owo is certain-it is too long and unmanageable to be laid upon citizens.

the bed of Procrustes, and shortened and stretcbed to A few words more, and I have done what I bave felt it meet the views or gratify the wishes of every one. If mere 'my duty to offer.

local feelings are to influence us in all the proceedings of this This confederacy may, with perfect propriety, be com- | House, what can ever be done for the good of the Union ? pared to a partnership conceru. The several States, as So far as relates to me, I merely ask myself whether the partners, contribute, according to the articles of Agree scheme that is proposed is calculated in its pature to conment, their respective proportions, to make up the com- fer benefits on the whole country, without reference to any mon fund. They are, under the articles of agreement, in particular section of country, terested in this common property. All bave contributed Is it pot familiar to us all

, that, although the western -all are alike, upon certain principles, entitled to the portion of this Union is entitled confessedly to an armory beneficial operations of the concern. "But it would be no somewhere upon its waters, yet, owing to local disputes, greater act of injustice for one partner, in any other con- and sectional differences of interest, the site has been a cern, to withdraw not only his own investment, but actually bane of contention for many years ? From the time I took appropriate the half of his associate's to his own exclusive my seat as a member of this House, to the present period, use, against his will, than it would be for this Government there bas been among gentlemen from the West a sharp to appropriate from the common fupd, the property of all, and animated debate on this subject. Some have thought or to use any portion of that fund for the exclusive advan- that Pittsburg was the most eligible situation, sonje Weet

any one of the original partners of any one of the Tennessee, some North Carolina ; and others, among whom States. We should pause and well consider before we I can name the gentleman from Kentucky, (Mr. JOHNSON] tbus act.

and bis predecessors, that the district of country which be "The evil men do lives after them."

represents is the place which should be selected for that Mr. PEARCE said, he had finally succeeded in placing purpose ; and, from all I can learn upon the subject, I himself upon this road, not, however, without a struggle. think, with him and them, that it is--but so far as relates How long he should remain upon it, he could not now say; to my present argument, not but that the necessity for an but it was not his wish to travel it from one end to the armory somewbere upon the western waters existed, yet, other, a distance of thirteen bundred miles, and, as some owing to the divisions and differences which have existed, gentlemen had told us, more than that: lest [said Mr. P.] pone has been established, and done will be, so long as (pointing to some notes before him) I should faint by the they shall continue. If they cannot among themselves way side, I have taken with me some viands, from which agree, they have no right, and cannot with propriety arI can receive relief if any should be wanted. I cannot, raigo the Government for withholding the appropriation however, read a speech, for I never was able to write one of money necessary to commence an establisbment of this before I obtained the floor, on any question or subject un- description. The remarks which I have made relative to der discussion, and never able to write one out after I had the western armory, will apply with equal force in referfinished wg remarks. In either case, I could employ the ence to the establishment of a military academy in the gentleman now in my eye, (Mr. Stansbury,) much better western section of our country. More than twelve years than I could employ myself.

ago a bill passed the Committee of the Whole House, estaThe gentleman who has just taken bis seat will excuse blishing a military academy in the western section of our me if I do not follow his example. I appear before the country; but it was defeated, because gentlemen from the committee under circumstances somewhat different from West would not agree upon the place where it should be those of many others. It has been said that New England, loeated. Both the House and the country assented to the New York, and several other States, bave no direct interest design. But such was the struggle of local interests, that in this road, and that, therefore, there is no reason why members here could never agree. In reference to this they should contribute their support to the bill, or their bill, and the proposed route of this road, it is sufficient for money to carry it into effect. The opposition has been my purpose and my vote, that it comes to us under favorurged, not merely on grounds of principle, but appeals able auspices, and recommended by those who have no idhave been made to the worst feelings of our nature-to terest in this or that route, which does not belong to them the selfish feelings of individual interest :--- as if nothing as members of this confederacy. The chairman of the ought to be done by any gentleman on this floor, unless committee who at a former session reported a bill in the it contributes immediately and directly to the interest of words of this, or similar to it, is a gentleman (Mr. MERCER his individual district, or the State from which he comes, who, we all know, has given as much attention, and devoted I am influenced by no such feelings, and am prepared to as much time to subjects of this kind, as auy member of this say, what gentlemen have told me was true that 'Rhode House; and no one will deny that on this and similar subIsland has no interest in this road. What then? If the jects his zeal has been untiring, and his exertions indefatidation has an interest, is it right to withhold my vote. gable. The venerable gentleman who at this session reand refuse this measure my supporti Others can speak ported the bill in favor of this road, (Mr. HEMPAILL) for themselves, but it is sufficient for me if this road will comes from a State that is identified with internal improvecontribute to the benefit of the country at large ; that con- ments, and at home, in reference to objects of this de viction is sufficient to command my vote, and, in obeying scription, be is first among bis peers. What motive, I it, I have no doubt I shall be sustained by those I am proud have a right to ask, bas either of those gentlemen to preto represent. I know that designs of this kind present fer one route to the other, independent of the general very different subjects for legislation. We have all seen good! None, I think I am warranted in saying Sir, durthis difficulty, Some gentlemen, with all their constita- ling the pendency of the bill, and this discussion which

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