Slike strani

H. OF R.)

The Tariff

MAY 5, 1830.

duced him to this miserable condition ? Heavy taxation, millions of dollars, a niost oppressive tax, yet one from the unequal and extravagant disbursements, unjust monopo- weight of which we are not relieved by our connexion lies, exhausting the means of millions to swell the coffers with the North, whilst we are altogether deprived of the of a few.

advantage of its disbursement, and bave our foreign marAnd the laborers of our country must work as cheaply ket endangered by a fruitless and bitter competition. As as this miserable, slaving population! Wbat is the opera- we export for consumption, that portion which is not taken tion of this Government upon the South Sir, of the from us by taxes, we do consume; and upon this we pay imports received chiefly in return for their exports, the the duty, either in taxes to the Government, or bounties Goveroment takes almost one-half; and where expends it ? to the manufacturer. With the exception of our trade Elsewhere. It is certain that not two millions of dollars with the West, of four or five millions of dollars, (and our of the twenty-four ever revisit the sectiou which bears exportation of cotton to the North will amply compeosate the chief burden of taxation. Nor is this all. To make for the exception,) almost the wbole of our consumption the inequality still wore glaring, bounties, also, are to be consists of articles imported or proteeted, and an average levied upon our industry, to pamper other sections of the of between forty-five and fifty per cent will not exceed the country. Our means of consumption are thus diminished; actual amount of taxation to which we are subjected. We and, to blistain ourselves under this uppatural pressure, we are the ultimate consumers, possessing no power of throwhave been compelled to press our productions byond the ing our burdens upon others; upon us the tax falls. But, means of consumption.

sir, what need is ihere of this contest of words ? Men's I will now, sir, take another view of the subject, illus- professions may deceive you-let their actions answer ; trative of the position, that the tax laid upon the amount of these speak most intelligibly. Wbo bear the burdeos! imports purchased by our exports is chiefly borne by the Who pays the taxes ! The gentleman from Massachusetts southern producer. That we may understand the princi- said truly that labor was the basis of property. The Gople clearly, let us remove the intermediate machinery. vernment derives appually, twenty-four millions of dollars The cottoa, tobacco, and rice, and other southern exports, of taxes from the labor of the country, from labor it must are the produce of our labor ; they are worth about thirty- come, ex nihilo nihil fit. And although I have heard thats seven millions of dollars; we take them to the manufactu. duty was po tax, I cannot reply to such an assertiou. I rer, and as the Government requires fifty per cent. upon cannot strike a shadow; I cannot argue against a palpable the goods which we shall bring with us, we sell ope-balf absurdity. Upon the labor of this country there lies a burof our produce for money, the other half we exchange den of twenty-four millions of dollars. Who bear this for goods. Upon our return, we pay the duty at the custom. burden Who pay these taxes? Do the North pay! Sir, house, and we seek to reimburse ourselves, by adding the they pray for an increase ; they beseech you, as you value duty to the goods which we have imported. This enables their existence as a nation, never to remove them. Are the porthern manufacturer to sell his goods at a profitable taxes, then, a blessing to be prayed for? Is industry there advance : and thus the section of country in which he re- so elastic, that burdens must be applied to regulate its sides receives a bounty. But it is alleged that the con- buoyancy! Must every extravagant scheme be fostered, to sumers of the North pay the duty upon the goods which induce a necessity for taxation And do you feel it as an they consume. This is true; but by whose means | Why, evil ! the very fifty per cent which the southera producer bas We do not claim for ourselves greater wisdom, and ! paid at the custom-bouse, is transferred to the North in the certainly not greater prudence, than the representatives shape of disbursements, and they are thus enabled to re- of the North; yet bow bas it happened that taxation and imburse themselves for the advance which they made as prodigal expenditure find favor and support in the North, consumers. In what proportions these advantages are dis- and are opposed by the South Is it that the people wbom tributed among the people of the North, I do not inquire. they represent are less sensitive to taxation, less jealous of

d I believe that the distribution is most unequal, and that the application of their money, than ours ? No, sir: two monopoly there also holds labor in thraldom, and oppresses winters since, the Legislature of Massachusetts refused to whilst it deludes the poor. But it is argued that the pro- lay a tax for the payment of a debt due by that commonducer, as producer, pays nothing that the consumer alope wealth. Her funds were exhausted, her contracts were pays the tax, and that we do consume the amount of our dot performed; yet the representatives refused to tax the exports. We will meet them upon this ground, also; we people. The last winter a railroad sebeme was proposed believe that the cotton, tobacco, and rice, and other arti- to that Legislature, and a subscription was refused. The clee of southern export, which we raise by the labor of application, I think, has been transferred bere. New York our slaves, amoubting, in value, to the sum of thirty-seven is now living upon her capital, refusing to tax her people. millions of dollars anoually, is our property; we believe Pennsylvania continues to borrow money to pay the intethat, after deducting such portion of this amount as a just rest of her debt, refusing to tax her people. How is this, Government should require, the remainder we have the sir Here we find the representatives of these very States updoubted right to apply to our proper use. It is true that anxious to keep up the taxes, and willing to engage in we have long knowo that we have not been permitted to wasteful schemes of expenditures. . Whence this economy - use our own property, we have felt that others were en- at home, and profusion here ! Sír, the facts are too glaring "joying the products of our labor. But that this should be to be denied--the inferences too clear to be disguised. openly avowed, that we should be told, when we complain The system is a blessing to them, and the burdens of Goof oppression, that we do not consume our own property, vernment fall upon us. and therefore should moderate our tobe and be submissive, The gentleman from Massachusetts denies that we ern sir, can this be tolerated ? Do we not consume the amount consume the thirty-seven millions of dollars which we er of our exports © Who does! I demand. Is it not ours ? port. Sir, the gentleman has not well examined his asserWho does consume it! It is that which our labor bas tion. The population, to purchase whose supplies these earned_let those who have taken it from us show a higher exports are made, is three millions ; the average cousumptitle. Let us examine it, sir. The exports and imports tion would scarcely exceed thirteen dollars a head. Is of any country are equal in a series of years. Whatever, this a consumption of foreign articles by three millions therefore, a country exports, it will import, unless some so enormous as to exceed belief The Island of Cuba. portion be intercepted by foreign or domestic interference. with a population of eight hundred thousand, imports The exports of the southern conntry are thirty-seven mil- fourteen millions of dollars annually, giving an averge lions of dollars; if we had to connexion with the North, a consumption of foreign articles of more than seventeen duty of forty-five per cent. on-imports would give sixteen dollars.



MAY 5, 1830.
The Tariff.

(H. OF RI But it is said that we could not have sustained this / renders entirely unnecessary any resort to the mysterious weight of taxatiou. Sir, we have not sustained it: we connexion which is said to exist between high taxes and have sunk under it. Whilst the value of our property has cheap goods. been greatly diminished, the profits of our labor have been But, sir, the whole argument has always appeared to me almost destroyed; not by that active competition which, to be based upon a most unfounded assumptiou that the whilst it lessens individual gain, enhances the sum of pa- manufacturers of England would or could combine to sell tional prosperity, and adds to the strength and population their goods in America at a price above that which redders of our country, but by a production borne down by taxation, them a fair profit. Sir, gentlemen grently underrate the compelling it to maintain a precarious and unequal strug- effect of competition in Eogland, and greatly overrate the gle with foreign industry by sacrifices and toil. And it is importance of the American market to the English manu-: against a country thus oppressed, that new edicts are year-facturer, when they suffer themselves to be deluded by so ly promulgated, trammelling, limiting, extermitating that idle a supposition. Great Britain exports near three huncommerce upon which it depends for existence.

dred millions of manufactures. A combination among the A belt of country, extending from thirty-seven 'degrees producers of this amount of fabrics, is an apprehension too north to thirty-seven degrees sonth latitude, is capable of extravagant to affect a reasonable mind. And it seems producing the articles which we export to a foreign mar- scarcely less surprising that any one could gravely urge ket

. In many portions of this section of the world, the that a market for twenty or thirty millions could regulate soil is more fertile, the climate more genial, and labor the price of manufactures to the amount of many hundreds cheaper, than in the southern part of this country : with the of milliops; and upon this supposition only can the arguinbabitants of this extensive region we must compete. A ment he sustained. It is also evident that no permanent small island, not possessing any peculiar patural advan- and important difference of price can be maintained in the tages, with its labor subjected to an enormous pressure of American market, whilst our commerce is free with France taxation, is the dreaded competitor of the northern maou and other European countries. facturer. I demand, sir, by what principle which you But it is said that the restrictive system bag rendered yourselves can term equal

, do you dare to throw in the goods cheaper in this country: Sir, the true question is, weight of your legislation, for the purpose of encumber- are they cheaper than we could procure them from abroad ing one section of the country to strengthen the other. Sir, and not whether they are cheaper pow than at a former your Government appeals to the example of England to period. You dare not answer in the affirmative. Let our justify ber in this course of legislation ; let her follow out revenue, chiefly derived from a payment of a tax imposed the example, if she has determined to make the system of upon the very goods, of the superior cheapness of which, restrictions, which is daily yielding to science and experi- in this country, these men boast

, answer. "Let this ipfaence there, the model of her policy. If no more elevated moue bill of pains and penalties, which the chairman of the path to glory and prosperity can be discovered for a frec Committee on Manufactures has from very shame abandonrepublic, than that dark and crooked road from which ed, answer. [Mr. MALLARY said that he was not ashamed

knowledge is even now expelling the monarchies, and aris- of the bill.] If your goods are cheaper than the foreign # tocracies of Europe, let her at least take the good with the articles, the manufacturers cannot require such barsh and

evil. Let her design be justice. England has most up unjust laws for their protection. But, sir, are goods, as wisely and unjustly assumed the control of the whole labor we receive them in this country, either foreign or domes of ber people; but she desired that they should experience tic, really cheaper than they were formerly! It is true, sir, equal favor. It is true that most pernicious inequalities that they cost less money; but have not all articles, the have been the result; but this is the inherent, vicious ten- unprotected as well as the protected, depreciated in equal dency of the system. The object which she designed to proportion? Can you obtain more of the necessaries or accomplish, was the equal protection of every class in the comforts of life for a pound of cotton or tobacco, than you, community. When she gave to her manufactures the home could formerly? It is the exchangeable value which determarket, she gave bounties to the exports of her agriculture; wines the cheapness. I apprebend, sir, that, under our and now that her agriculture is permitted to enjoy without present system, and in this mode of estimating the value,

competition the domestic market, sbe assists by bounties goods are uot cheaper. Btbe exportation of her manufactures; nor is there a bur It is triumphantly urged that the revenue of the couni den to be borne, or an advantage to be enjoyed, which she try has not been seriously affected by the tariff, and that the

intentionally distributes unequally on the labor of those prophecies of those who have formerly opposed this policy who claim her protection.

have not been accomplished. Sir, when we estimate the Sir, how is it you boast you are a free State? Will the vast yearly addition which is made to the population of this name of freedom compensate for the want of justice ! And country, the enormous increase of duties upon imports jik can you pretend, upon the common principles of natural which have been levied, and advert to the fact that the re

equity, to justify yourselves for the gross partiality which venue las remained almost stationary, we caupot perceive your legislation manifests ! You not only foster one portion that the advocates of high taxes have great cause for triof the community, and one section of the country, whilst umph or congratulation. Yet is is true ibat the diminution you leave the other without the pale of your protection, of the revenue has not been so rapid or so great as was but you trammel and render fruitless the unassisted exer- antieipated previously to the act of 1828. tions of the one, that the other may enjoy in security in. Those who witnessed the oppressive operation of this creased prosperity.

Government upon that section of the country, from the There are some arguments urged by the gentleman from produce of the labor of which the revenue was chiefly Massachusetts, of a general character, of which, although derived, were well warranted in the belief which they en I cannot myself feel their force, yet, as they bave been tertained and expressed, that additional bordeus would frequently repeated, I shall briefly dotice them. The drive them from their employment; and that, with the gentleman urges that the competition of this country di- decrease of exports, the revenue derived from imports minisbes the price of goods. The admission of that gen would be greatly curtailed. What has been the effect tleman in another part of the argument furnishes a suffi- Sir, it is true that the planter still clings to the soil and the cient answer to this argument. He told us that the British employment to which the strong ties of local affection and laborer worked for his daily brend ; that starvation reduced custom bind him; but the value of his property is merely the price of his labor to the least sum sufficient for the nominal. Those wbo were pressed by debts have been support of life. Here, sir, is a very sufficient reason to ruined, and those who were over distinguished for geveaccount for the depressed price of English goods, and I'rous hospitality, are now struggling, and vainly struggling,

H. OF R.)

Commerce and Imposts.--District Affairs.- The Tariff.

(May 6, 7, 1830,

by privation and ceaseless labor, to keep their foot upon spair of the republic. The encroachnients of power bare their natal soil. The blow has fallen upon our lands; and been rapid and alarming; its strongbolds are deeply fixed, it has fallen heavily. Lower they cannot go : we must de- and fiercely defended. The struggle may be arduous, but it sert them. To us, at least, it affords no consolation to know ends in victory. that the revenue has not decreased; for we feel that it has Had history preserved in her records no memorial of been sustained by remorseless oppression, wringing from that Roman Senate whose firmness subdued the world, us the bard earnings of our industry.

but this simple sentence, “ They returned thanks to their But, sir, the gentleman from Massachusetts says that we vanquished general, because he did not despair of the rearrogate to ourselves the markets of this country. Ah, public,” their fame were immortal. sir, this is the true statement of the case : this is a bold We will not then despair of the republic. The gallant avowal of these principles which we charge upon you: vessel rocks until ber bulwarks are in the brine; throw pot we arrogate to ourselves the market of this country, and the ballast overboard, she will right again. against this arrogance the tariff laws are directed. How But, sir, it is not here that I hope to find a remedy, arrogate? Do we claim special privileges! Do we clamor wbilst I speak, your decision is already pronounced. I for laws to aid our industry? No, sir ; we ask only the free appeal, in the name of the people whom I represent, from exercise of our industry; and you answer, that this would your tribunal. Not to your federal judiciary, created by enable us to possess the market of our common country, your power, dependeut upon your will; but to the State and, therefore, you will not permit it. Sir, we have long of which we are members, in her capacity of sovereign, felt that we were aliens: your legislation has deeply con- we take our appeal. That true allegiance, which, as citivinced us that you so regarded us ; but it is for the first zens, we owe to her, has been maintained inviolate. To time openly avowed here, that we have been denied, and her laws we have yielded a faithful obedience, and we now will be denied, the right of a citizen to contend for the demand from her the exercise of the great relative duty of market of his own country. Yes, sir, if restriction were protection. removed, the planter would enjoy the domestic market: Mr. GORHAM, of Massachusetts, sueceeded, and vecu. laws must be passed for his exclusion, and those who pass pied the committee a short time in a practical examination these laws call him countryman and fellow-citizen! 'The of the provisions of the bill, and in support of regulations whole scheme is now laid bare; it is to prevent the profits for enforcing the tariff laws; which, although he was opof one section of the country from exceeding the profits of posed to their passage, and to the system which they inthe other: and the American system stands, stripped of troduced, he would employ all proper means to enforce disguise, the old agragrian law, vamped up with a new while they continued the law of the land. He then spoke title. Fanny Wright and her doctrines have their advo- at large on the bistory and effects of the tariff laws, and cates up on this floor; and a distribution of goods is the against the repeal as proposed by the amendment of Mr. consumination of this spleodid project! It is well, sir, tbat McDUFFIE. Mr. G. concluded at four o'clock, when we now understand each other."

Mr. YOUNG moved that the committee rise; which motion The gentleman bas introduced slavery into his speech. prevailed. This is not the occasion upon which I will enter into a discussion upon that subject; the time will, I doubt not, soon

THURSDAY, MAY 6, 1830. come, when I shall claim to be heard.

COMMERCE AND IMPOSTS. If the gentleman desires to reconcile a majority of the

The House resumed the consideration of the bill conpeople of this country to an unjust oppression of the minority, by exciting fanatical prejudices against them, and suc- cerning the vavigation and imposts, reported by the Comceeds in his object, this Government is at an end. That

mittee on Commerce. you oppress us because you love yourselves too well, is

Mr. WAYNE continued his remarks in favor of the bill, not tolerable ; but that you oppress because you hate or

and embracing general views against the protecting sysdespise us !-Sir, I will not speak of it.

tem. He had not concluded, when the expiration of the But, sir, the gentleman will not succeed; the same game

bour arrested the debate. has been played before. “ The slaves of French slaves,

DISTRICT AFFAIRS. themselves the drivers of slaves," bas been once the watch The House took up the bill providing for the punishword, but it met with a signal failure ther, and will signal- ment of crimes within the District of Columbia. The quesly fail now.

tion being on its third reading, Sir, had we delivered ourselves into your power, as mere Mr. ALEXANDER moved that the bill be laid on the dependents upon your will; had we entrusted to your con- table. trol the entire disposal of our destinies, perseverance in a Mr. TAYLOR demanded the yeas and nays on this system of such manifest injustice and such destructive op- question ; but the House refused to order them"; and pression must have forced us to discard a pretended Gu. The question to lay the bill on the table prevailed-70 vernment, wbich“ covers to devour us."

to 57. But we have not left ourselves thus defencelese; we rest upon that sacred and only bund of union—the constitution.

FRIDAY, MAY 7, 1830. We are animated by a high consciousness that we contend not in a selfish cause, involving merely pecuniary interests, amend the laws concerning navigation and imposts.

The House resumed the consideration of the bill to but in the common cause of our common country. Know

Mr. WAYNE concluded bis remarks in support of the ing that the preservation of liberty, identified as it is in the

bill. preservation of the constitution, depends upon our exertions, we cannot suffer false fears or false hopes to endanger viervs on the subject; but, as the hour had pearly expired,

Mr. STRONG expressed his intention of submitting his the issue. And we shall triumph! It is the good old cause : and he would, by permission of the House, defer until to-mor

row what he had to say. wherever there is intelligence to estimate its value, and boldness to defend it at all hazards, it cannot go down.

THE TARIFF LAWS. The sympathies of the enlightened. the generous, the bold, The House then again resolved itself ioto a Committee and the free, are with us. History, in every page, wbich of the Whole House on the state of the Union, Mr. Polk warms the heart of those who love liberty, is with us : we in the chair, and took up the bill to amend an act in adcannot fail.

dition to the several acts imposing duties on imposts. · Let those who love and honor the constitution not de. Mr. YOUNG said he bad bitherto left the exposition of

[merged small][merged small][ocr errors][merged small]

MAY 7, 1830.)

The Tariff

(H OF R.

his sentiments here to the simple expression of aye or do. Ision of sentiment, so wide, so extreme a difference of Respect for the wisdom of ihe committee collectively, opinion? A subject, as all agree, so intimately connected and the weight of character and full experience of many with the value of all we possess, affecting alike the city of its members, still inclined him to that curse. But, [said and the country, the producer, vender and consumer, Mr. Y:) believing that the policy now struggling between entering into the composition of whatever we eat, and this bill and its amendmeut seriously concerns an interest drink, and wear, and even that of our dwellings, and bearwhich has become important to the State I have the bo- ing, in its effects, on all our great continual, and instant por in part to represent, and of which interest, from my interests, and as extended, minute, and diversified as the Jocal situation with regard to uo inconsiderable proportion whole restless struggle and bustle for money, riches, and of it, it might not be expected I should be uomindful power. here; and believing, ns I do, that a healthy, active, and vi Will it not be strange, sir, if amidst all this, we can find gorous state of society in general—the permanent growth, no one fact, no data, no fair view of cause and effect, by prosperity, and general welfare of our entire country de which we may satisfy ourselves, or demonstrate to others, pend intimately, and to a very great extent, on that sys where the plain truth lies in this all-important question ! tem of measures now so directly and indirectly, and furi

. In the varied and complicated operations of nature around ously attacked, I trust the expression of my sentiments, at us, which we can but partially approach or control, we this time, somewhat more at large, will not be considered have long since learned to seek out the cause from the efas exceeding the duties of my place, or inconsistent with feet, and, by observing and noting the naked facts, have the deference I owe here.

thence deduced the governing principle; and wbatever I am not, sir, insensible of the time in which I enter confusion, variety or extent the view may put on, we can this debate, both in regard the late hour in the ses trace the moving cause. When all the elements of the air sion, and the progress of the discussion---that the promi. are in cominotion and at war in the storm, it is but the nebt views and strong points in this subject have already operation of a mute and simple principle, and all is calm been traced by master hands—that an extraordinary strug. again. We bave learned to dissipate the thunder, and gle of eloquence and energy of intellect have formed å even to divert and ward off its bolts. kiod of crisis of interest and feeling, from which the mind, But amidst this mental excitement, amidst this storm of with the most sincere devotion to the cause, must be wan. complaint and thunder of eloquence, we bave yet found ing, and more “idly bent” on what may follow.

Do sufficient philosopher, no one admitted fact, no defined I shall, therefore, as far as may be, avoid the track of result, no acknowledged principle, to which we will refer, those who have gone before me, and, not affecting to fill to solve the doubts and difficulties which surround us. out a complete system for myself

, attempt to re-establish But, instead of looking at the naked facts, a new era of from primary considerations, those general principles of argument, and theory, and representation, seems to bave action and operations which have been so fully and so ensued; and amidst all the blessings which distinguish our forcibly presented; but endeavor to illustrate them from country, our constitution and laws are represented as desother facts, and exhibit them from other points of observa- potism itself, the government of majorities as a refinement tion, that we may the more distinctly perceive their exist to tyrandy, and all our fostering and protecting policy as ence and actual operation upon us.

spreading ruin, disaster and desolation over the fairest The honorable gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Da fields of our country and our kindred, more doleful and VIS) who first addressed the committee in opposition to sombre than has settled on the ill-fated plains of Nineveh the present amendment, exhibited to us the necessary ef- or Babylon. fect of the accumulation of labor and capital on manufac And are we, sir, in this country, at this day, to legislate tures, and of the consequent abundance of production, in on these premises ! Is our favorite system indeed a warbearing down, with extended and general pressure, the lock spelf, to haunt the land ? Or has “ God, for some price of the manufactured articles of all nations and coun- strong purpose, steeled the hearts of men” on this strango tries, as far as exchange and mutual intercourse exista subject? When wildness, from any cause, seizes the imapresenting, also, our own manufactures as contributing gination, or one bas lost his way, and all objects around their share in this operation. My object will be to show a seem to have changed their appearance and position, if he further effect, and the particular operation of our manu can but spy some bill, or tree, or stump, which he can refactures withic our own country, and amongst ourselves. cognise, all, at once, comes right again; and this small obThe honorable gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Craw. ject, in calculating for home, or certainty, or safety, is FORD] who next addressed the committee on the same side, worth all the world beside. I will not here decide which exhibited more particularly the favorable bearing of manu side is right, or which is wrong; but that there somewhere factures on our agricultural pursuits and productions; and exists, on one side or the other, a sad mistake-an upacthe honorable gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. Gor countable state of opinion and feeling on the subject, both HAM) who immediately preceded me, illustrated his views in principle and extent, none who have witnessed this deon the subject more particularly, from facts appearing in bate can doubt. our foreigo intercourse and mercantile transactions. My In this state of mind, we may theorize forever, calculate object will be to examine the more direct effects, proceed back the duties on imports to the exporter, the producer, ing more immediately from manufacturing operations them or his fathers; we may talk at large of revenue, and reselves. And all who have preceded me, on either side of sources, and balance of trade; look abroad on agriculture, the question, have, for the most part, drawn their conclu- and commerce, and manufactures, as we feel, but we must sions from general views. My object will be to select some come down to the simple and primitive operations of the few specific, palpable facts and results, exemplifying the plough and the hammer, the spindle and the oar, to rest governing principles, that we may view them simply, and start our sure calculation upon. Resting upon, and singly, and distinctly-pot relying on their tendency supported by these primarily, sir, and not on the millions merely, but the degree and extent of the effect, that we borrowed, as suggested by the honorable gentleman, (Mr. may, if we please, without any intricate or aggregate cal- McDUFFIE) was England enabled to sustain herself through culations, count, weigh, and measure them for ourselves. the mightiest struggle of modern days, and not sustain herAnd are there, sir, no such facts to be found | Has expe- self merely, but rise above the storm, and say, with the rience yet left no criterion amidst all the commended and complacenoy of Juno to the gods, "incedo," I march with deprecated operations of this all-embracing tariff system imajesty amidst the nations of the earth. And what now Is it not strange, sir, that on this subject, there should so makes her look so thoughtful, so bungry, and so surly tolong be found to remain so much doubt-80 much confu-wards us ?

VOL. VI.--113.

H. or R.)

The Tariff

MAY 7, 1830.

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

Nothing so much, sir, as the spindle and loom of Ameri-, And I bave selected a given quantity, that we may avoid ca, the little spioner and weaver of America, alluded to in aggregate estimates; and, by calculating accurately the a former debate. Give her the control of these, sir, but a effect of a definite part, see, distinctly, by the relation

, few years,give her your market-pass but this bill, with the effect of the wbole. And I will suppose it manufac its amendment, and you will soon see John Bull full fed, tured in New England, as she draws the supplies for her and something bale again ; and, as be passes by, will, with laborers mostly from abroad, and the operation on those increased complacency, and affected solicitude for our wel. States which supply themselves is lees distinctly seen. fare, inquire, in his turn, what makes brother Jonathan so I take, for instance, one equare yard of common cotton rugged and so sober, so as if he had lost a friend. cloth, at the price it bear's, viz., from eight to nine centa;

I agree, sir, with the gentleman, that money, circulat- say nine cents, for the convenience of propositions. Four iug medium, is an immense power in all these affairs ; but cents of this

, or four-pinths of the whole price, is made without the action of these little springs to keep it in mo- up of stock, or the cotton in its raw state. The coltoution, it is a poor, dead, inert mass. What is money to growing States cannot complain of this part of the price

, Spain or Portugal ? Like the food that nourisheth not. What as it is their own produce at the market price, pot dimiowould it be if they had but the little spindles, and looms, ished by rivalry of a growing market, now nearly for ce and hammers of America ? Sir, they would be other da: quarter of their whole produce. Nor cap other parts of tions, at once, in the world, and we, without them, should the country complain, as they receive it, including less be poor and sluggish ; and far behind our native selves, as freight than they could from any other country that can they are now,

manufacture for us. Four cents more of the price, or And, sir, but adopt this amendment, (or its cousin.ger- four-fifths of the remaining part, is made up of labor; man, that figures in the morning hour,) and we shall have which is the same as to say that this part is made up of a Methuen treaty, and all the degrading consequences that the necessaries of life: for even on this subject both sides followed on Portugal will flow upon us.

agree, as a general rule, that the labor in production is a But permit me here, sir, before I proceed to the parti- fair measure of the consumption that enters into it. And culars as suggested, to mention the great principles which bow, sir, is this part made up of the produce of every I consider as governing the protecting system in all its part of the Union. The rice, corn, and tobacco of the parts, and in all countries. It is, that the encouragement South, and the sugar and molasses from farther south; and augmentation of manufactures pecessarily tend to the flour, pork, lard, and grain from the middle and west withdraw and withhold labor and capital from agricultural ern States; the fur and skins from farther west; drawn, in pursuits, and to accumulate and retain labor and capital in short, with mixed and varied proportions, from every part manufacturing pursuits; thereby producing the double of our country, and every class of producers, leaving but effect, on the one hand, of raising the price of agricultural a minor part to be supplied by the local markets. Can products

, by diminishing the number of producers, and any part of the Union complain of this portion of the enlarging the number of consumers; and, on the other price? It is their own produce, at their own price. Is it hand, of reducing the price of manufactured articles, by the interest of the country, to subtract any thiøg from this increasing the competition and increasing the production ; part of the price, or compose it of other materials, or the each effect being in favor of the agriculturist and con- products of other countries & Cap we, so far as we have sumer ; and must, therefore, be the true policy of all pa- yet proceeded, destroy any part of that manufacture, withtions where the danger of a scarcity or extravagance of out, at the same time, and to the same extent, destroying price of provisions, or other agricultural productions, does the market and the consumption of our agricultural pronot make it necessary to establish directly the opposite ducts? Or can any part of the price be reduced, but by policy. This cannot be necessary in this country, above reducing the price of the agricultural products which comall others.

pose it 1 Eight-ninths, therefore are not the manufacturYet

, sir, the objection brought against this system here, er's price, but the agriculturists prices: it is his preis directly the opposite to this position, viz., that the ope- duction converted into it; and, when consumed or exportration of the protecting system increases the price of ed, it is virtually the consumption and exportation of his manufactures, and diminishes that of agriculture. The products. One cent of it, or one-pintb, remains to go protecting system may be supported op the supposition of against the capital and care of the owner. And how is it An increased price of the manfactured article, and a cor- with this ? The capital is brought into operation by labor, responding increased price of the agricultural article in erecting his buildings, bis dams, his fumes, his magiven in exchange. In this case the whole operation of chinery, and tools; and all this is done and paid for by the the system would be for the benefit of the manufacturer, same kind of provisions and necessaries, drawn from every uvless the farmer obtained a more uniform and permanent part of the country, including here the iron and coal of market thereby; but if a more extensive market for the Pennsylvania, the lumber of Maine, and the oil of our farmer, and ab increase of price above that range, ensue, South Sea whale men, and some few materials from all the benefit accrues to both parties. But when competi- other parts of the world, which we bave not yet, but may tion, perfection, and abundance sball reduce the price of soon supply ourselves with from our own dative resources. manufactures, it produces a double benefit to the con. And as to that share which goes for the care of the owner, sumer, and leaves but a sustaining profit for the manufac which is not an envious portion at this time, not exceedturer. This will ever be the tendency of the system until ing or equalling what belongs to every other business in it reaches that point, and will not react on the agricultural the country, even the raising of cotton, rice, and tobacco. interest, until manufacturing has fallen below all other And what is the condition of this small item, as the manubusiness, from the fact that permanent manufacturing facturer is situated! If he supplies his own family with capital cannot be converted or abandoned without an al- pecessaries, if he extend bis manufactory, he calls in and ! most total loss of it. I will now proceed to illustrate these uses the saine round of materials and provisions; if he ideas by facts, showing the direct effects of manufactures build a house, or if he even is enabled to improve his adon our own country, and on the present course of business joining lands, the labor is principally paid for in the same amongst us. The general effects produced by manufac- way. Thus the whole price is made up of, produced tures of all kinds are much the same on the country at froin, and sustained by, agriculture, and all one continual large. But I have selected an article from cotton manu- round of operation upon the other labor and capital of the facture, for the purpose of illustrating its bearing on the country. No part of the capital expended in establishing cotton growing States, and as exhibiting more fully than or operating manufactures iu this country can be brought most others the effects already produced by protection. into operation, till it bas first been on agricultural opera

« PrejšnjaNaprej »