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papers. It seldom happens that the consuls can detect this deception, because they have no authority to demand an inspection of the registers and sea letters.

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives,-It is my duty to recommend to your serious consideration, those objects which, by the constitution, are placed particularly within your sphere, the national debt and taxes.

Since the decay of the feudal system, by which the publick defence was provided for chiefly at the expense of individuals, the system of loans has been introduced. And as no nation can raise within the year, by taxes, sufficient sums for its defence and military operations in time of war, the sums loaned, and debts contracted, have necessarily become the subject of what have been called funding systems. The consequences arising from the continual accumulation of publick debts, in other countries, ought to admonish us to be careful to prevent their growth in our own. The national defence must be provided for, as well as the support of government; but both should be accomplished, as much as possible, by immediate taxes, and as little as possible by loans.-The estimates for the service of the ensuing year, will, by my direction, be laid be fore you.

Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives,―We are met together at a most interesting period. The situations of the pincipal powers of Europe are singular and portentous. Connected with some by treaties, and with all by commerce, no important event there, can be indifferent to us. Such circumstances call with peculiar importunity, not less for a disposition to unite in all those measures, on which the honour, safety, and prosperity of our country depend, than for all the exertions of wisdom and firmness. In all such measures, you may rely on my zealous and hearty JOHN ADAMS.

concurrence.

MESSAGE

FROM THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES TO CONGRESS. JAN. 23, 1798.

Ar the commencement of this session of Congress, I pro. posed in the course of it, to communicate to both Houses, further information concerning the situation of our affairs in the territories of the United States situated on the Mississippi river, and its neighbourhood,-our intercourse with the Indian nations, our relations with the Spanish government, and the 11

VOL. III

conduct of their officers and agents: This information will be found in a report of the Secretary of State and the documents attending it, which I now present to the Senate and House of Representatives. JOHN ADAMS.

REPORT

OF THE SECRETARY OF STATE TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

IN observance of your directions I have revised the communications from Mr. Ellicott, the Commissioner of the United States at the Natchez, since my Report of the 3d of July last, which, with the documents therein referred to, you, on the same day, laid before Congress; and now respectfully submit to you a statement of whatever appears therein to be material. The last letter from Mr. Ellicott, of which a communication was made to Congress, bore date the 10th of May last. His next, dated the 27th of that month, I received the 24th of August. In this he mentions that reinforcements were sent from New-Orleans to the post at Walnut Hills, and that repairs were made on the fort at the Natchez: That he had received very satisfactory accounts from both the Chickasaws and Chactaws, that for more than eight months past, they had been tampered with by the Spanish agents and traders, to prevent the late treaty between his Catholick Majesty and the United States from being carried into effect ;-though Mr. Ellicott thinks, without success. On the 11th of May, he wrote to governour Gayoso desiring a definitive answer, as to the time he would be ready to proceed to the determination of the boundaries between the two nations, as specified in the treaty ;— to which he received an unsatisfactory answer. On the 16th he addressed governour Gayoso a retrospective view of their correspondence, and of that with lieutenant Pope, exhibiting the repeated promises and demonstrations of running the boundary line and evacuating the posts-the non-performance of those promises-and the varied pretences for the delay. To this detail of unfulfilled engagements and contradictory measures, the governour answered Mr. Ellicott on the 17th, "That he should not trouble him with justifying the motives which had caused some disagreement in his (the governour's) communications;" adding however, that "they were far from being insincere."

In his next letter dated the 4th of June, Mr. Ellicott mentions that "The citizens of the United States who are trading on the Mississippi are frequently treated with great insolence, at the Spanish posts, and their property taken for the use of his Catholick Majesty, when wanted, and always at a reduced price." He instances the case of a Mr. M'Cluny, from whom

a large quantity of flour was thus taken at the Walnut Hillsand of Francis Baily, who was compelled to receive as cash, in payment for goods sold, a species of paper, which was passing at a discount of twelve per cent.

With this letter Mr. Ellicott transmitted the copy of a Proclamation by the Baron de Carondelet, governour general of Louisiana, bearing date at New-Orleans the 24th of May; and ordered to be published. In order to dissipate reports, which had alarmed the inhabitants of the Natchez, the Baron therein declares "That the suspension of the demarcation of the limits, and the evacuation of the forts, which will be comprehended on the other side of the line, is at present only occasioned by the imperious necessity of securing Lower Louisiana from the hostilities of the English, who (he says) without regard to the inviolability of the territory of the United States, have set on foot an expedition against Upper Louisiana, which they cannot, however, attack without traversing the aforesaid territory." But he suggests, that if they made themselves masters of the Illinois country, they would then attack Lower Louisiana. This fabulous expedition of the English from Canada is thus made the pretence for the non-execution of the treaty on the part of Spain. "We have thought proper (says the Baron) to put the post of Walnut Hills in a respectable but provisional state of defence, until the United States, informed of these motives, by the minister plenipotentiary of his Majesty, to whom we have communicated them, provide against these inconveniences; and by taking the proper steps to cause the territory to be respected, shall put in our power to fulfil, without danger, the articles of the treaty concerning limits."

In this proclamation, the information of the English expe dition is represented as having been communicated by the Baron de Carondelet to the Spanish minister in the United States; but in his next proclamation, one week afterwards (May 31st) he sets forth that he had received from that Minister information of the expedition from Canada, and, therefore, "had judged it necessary for the surety and tranquillity of Lower Louisiana, to suspend the evacuation of the post of Natchez and the Walnut Hills." And as early as the first of May, Governour Gayoso, in a letter to Mr. Ellicott, published with the other documents laid before Congress, at the last session, assigns the information before that day received by the Baron from the Spanish minister, of the above pretended expedition, as the reason for holding the posts, and putting them in a state of defence; particularly the Walnut Hills. In the same Procla mation (of which a copy No. 1. is annexed) the Baron affects to consider the march of a detachment of American troops from the Ohio to the state of Tennessee, while it has been intimated,

as he says, to the Militia of Cumberland to hold themselves ready to march at the first notice, as an evidence of a hostile attack intended, even by the United States, on Louisiana.

The pretences for holding the posts in question, and delaying to run the boundary line, having varied from time to time, it may be proper to present them in one view.

-In the month of March

1st. That it was uncertain whether the Forts, when evacuated were to be demolished or left standing.

2d. That it was necessary to secure the real property to the inhabitants. And both these points, it was said, must be adjusted by a negotiation between the two governments of Spain and the United States, prior to the evacuation of the posts.

3d. That they must be retained until the Spanish officers were sure the Indians would be pacifick.

-On the 24th of May

4th. The English expedition from Canada, which could not proceed without violating the territory of the United States.

But in the proclamation of this date, the putting of the principal post, that of the Walnut Hills, in a state of defence was declared to be only provisional, and until the United States should cause their territory to be respected.

5th. On the 31st of May, the Baron's second proclamation repeats the same pretence, the English expedition, and adds a new one, That the United States were marching troops, and preparing the militia to take the Spanish dominions by surprise. Further motives are also assigned-anterior menaces by the commissioner Mr. Ellicott and of lieutenant Pope and the expected rupture between the United States and France. And new conditions are now mentioned to be performed by the United States, viz: That they should, as a necessary evidence that they have no hostile intentions against the Spanish provinces, either leave the post of the Natchez, or the Walnut Hills, in possession of Spain as "The only bulwarks of Lower Louisiana to stop the course of the British ;" or give to the Spaniards "security against the article of the treaty with Great Britain which exposes Lower Louisiana to be pillaged and destroyed down to the capital. Then (says the Baron) we will deliver up the said posts, and lay down our arms, which they (the United States) have forced us to take up, by arming their militia in time of peace, and sending a considerable body of troops by round-about ways to surprise us."

Pretences more frivolous, or more unfounded and unwarrantable, were perhaps never urged as reasons to excuse a violation of the faith of treaties. Never, perhaps, was conceived a more absurd idea, than that of marching troops from the

Ohio to the state of Tennessee, and thence to the Natchez, in the whole a tedious, difficult, and expensive route of many hundred miles, chiefly through a wilderness ;-when, if the United States had any hostile views, they had only to collect their troops to the Ohio, and suffer them to be floated down that river, and the Mississippi, almost without labour, with great expedition and at small expense, to the country to be attacked. But the suggestion is as false as it is absurd.

Neither does any article of the treaty between the United States and Great Britain (the Baron doubtless means the treaty of 1794) nor the explanatory article of 1796, give to Great Britain any new right respecting the navigation of the Mississippi, and consequently do not expose, more than it was before exposed, Lower Louisiana to be pillaged and destroyed by the British. But this question having been fully discussed in my letter of the 17th of May last to the Spanish minister, and his reasoning demonstrated (as I conceive) to be utterly unfounded, it would be a waste of time to add any further observations upon it.

If the posts of the Natchez and Walnut Hills "are the only bulwarks of Lower Louisiana, to stop the course of the British," as the Baron asserts, and if, therefore, Spain is justifiable in holding them-she may retain them without any limitation of time for her security in any future war, as well as in that which now exists. But this, like all the other reasons which have been before advanced, is merely ostensible. The true reason is doubtless developed by the Baron in his proclamation of the 31st of May. The expectation of an “immediate rupture between France, the intimate ally of Spain, and the United States."

The Spanish minister having resumed this subject in his letter to me of the 11th of July, his own printed translation of it, and my answer of the 8th of August, are hereto annexed; together with his letter of the 19th of August, acknowledging the receipt of that answer, and his two subsequent letters of the 9th of October and 21st of November. With the last it seems proper to lay before you a paper signed VERUS, which appeared in the Aurora, printed by Benjamin Franklin Bache, on the morning of the 23d, containing in substance his letter of the 22d, which I received the preceding evening, and some additional expressions which the minister himself deemed too gross to be addressed to the government under his proper signature; but which, under the circumstances here mentioned, must necessarily be ascribed to him.

In his next letter, Mr. Ellicott gives an account of an insurrection of the inhabitants of the Natchez. A minute detail of the circumstances which gradually tended to produce this event, he says, would fill a volume. The following relation is extracted from his letter of June 27th. "The delay (says he)

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