take this state of things into consideration, though the proposal to subsidize the Maritime Provinces was unpopular in Canada. At last, however, largely by the tact and ability of Mr. Alexander Galt, a modus vivendi was arrived at. After the passing of the Quebec Resolutions, George Brown proceeded to London, where he found that the scheme had given 'prodigious satisfaction'. The Home Government indeed only criticized two decisions of the Quebec Conference. They objected to the pardoning power, which was the prerogative of the Crown, being vested in the Provincial Lieutenant-Governors, and they considered that the members of the Legislative Council being fixed at seventy-two might lead to a parliamentary deadlock. The Quebec Resolutions were brought before the Canadian Parliament at the beginning of February, 1865. They were treated as the terms of a treaty between independent Powers, which could not be amended, but must be accepted or rejected en bloc. In spite of extremely able speeches against the Union from Mr. Antoine Dorion and Mr. Christopher Dunkin, the resolutions passed the House of Assembly by a majority of 58 in a house of 124 voting, and the Legislative Council by a still greater majority. But the ship of Confederation had not yet sailed into smooth waters. A general election in New Brunswick resulted in the rout of its advocates. The coalition Canadian Government, which had been formed for the one purpose of settling the future Constitution, saw its work indefinitely postponed; whilst the position was made more difficult by the death of the Prime Minister, and the inability of George Brown and John Alexander Macdonald to act in friendly partnership. Brown's resignation in the winter of 1865 was precipitated by differences with his colleagues as to the line to be taken in view of the termination in 1866 of the Reciprocity Treaty with the United States; but its real cause was his profound distrust and dislike of his predominant colleague, John A. Macdonald,

Although the deputation of Canadian Ministers which visited England in 1865 may not have attempted to induce the Imperial Government to force the Maritime Provinces into confederation, that Government could fairly claim to give advice, as being responsible for Imperial defence, and could make sure that the Lieutenant-Governors were in sympathy with the movement. The influence of the New Brunswick elections had been felt outside its borders. The Prince Edward Island Legislature now openly repudiated its own delegates, and in Nova Scotia the opposition was so powerful that the Government felt compelled to be content for the time being with a scheme of union among the Maritime Provinces. By the exercise, however, of patience and tact, Mr. (now Sir Charles) Tupper induced the Nova Scotia Assembly to agree to the appointment of delegates 'to arrange with the Imperial Government a scheme of union which will effectually insure just provision for the rights and interests of the Province'. Equally fortunate was the cause of confederation in New Brunswick. The Ministry, which was hostile to the movement, fell out with the Governor and resigned. A general election put Mr. Tilley again into power, and the new Assembly passed by a large majority a resolution similar to that passed in Nova Scotia, accompanied by a provision making it a sine qua non that the Intercolonial Railway should be constructed forthwith. Meanwhile in Canada the Governor, Lord Monck, was urging upon John A. Macdonald the necessity of prompt action. He had felt, when he formed the Coalition Ministry, that his last card in that suit had been played, and that, if he did not win, the time would have come when he must give up the attempt to manage the affairs of Canada. Unless the Canadian portion of the scheme could be passed during the present session, it was his intention to apply for his immediate recall. Macdonald was able to reassure the Governor. On the time and manner of bringing forward Canadian ministerial measures

he was doubtless the best judge. The resolutions, providing for the Local Governments and the Legislatures of Upper and Lower Canada, were duly passed, and everything seemed ready for the departure for England of the delegates who were to frame, along with the British authorities, the Confederation Act. A new delay was, however, imposed by a change of Government in England, and it was not till November 1866 that the Canadian delegates, Macdonald, Cartier, Galt, and three others, sailed for England, where the delegates from the Maritime Provinces had been since the summer. At a meeting of the delegates, held on December 4 at the Westminster Palace Hotel, the Quebec Resolutions were again adopted with some slight modifications. The paragraph with regard to the building of the Intercolonial Railway was made more explicit, and an undertaking given that the Imperial guarantee for three millions of pounds sterling, pledged for this work, should be applied thereto, so soon as the necessary authority had been obtained from the Imperial Parliament. The resolutions were finally agreed upon by the 24th of December by a unanimous vote. It was decided to avoid giving publicity to them until the Bill embodying them was settled and ready to be laid before Parliament. The proposals would no doubt offend private interests and individuals, and their publication would excite a new and fierce agitation in British North America; whereas 'the Act, once passed and beyond remedy, the people will soon learn to be reconciled to it.'

A Bill was framed in accordance with these resolutions and its provisions settled at meetings of the delegates with the Law Officers of the Crown and the Secretary of State, in the January and February of 1867. Drafts of the Bill at various stages are printed in Mr. Pope's Confederation Documents, but the differences are in fact very slight. The main alterations suggested by the Home Government were the removal of the pardoning power from the Lieutenant-Governors and the power given to the Governor

General, under certain circumstances, to summon to the Senate three or six additional senators. The Bill finally became law, under the title of the British North America Act, 1867, on the 29th of March, and July 1 was proclaimed the day on which the new Constitution should take effect. A supplementary Act was also passed, authorizing a guarantee of interest on a loan to be raised by Canada towards the construction of a railway connecting Quebec and Halifax.

Thus was the Dominion born, though as yet, it must be remembered, its dimensions were small compared with what they were to be. Macdonald desired the more imposing title of Kingdom of Canada, and deplored the matter-of-fact attitude of English politicians; but after all, the future of Canada was in its own hands to make or to mar. No doubt, at the time of the British North America Act, many in England in their hearts approved of it as a half-way house to peaceful independence. There was required the experience of subsequent years before British statesmen could feel the proud confidence in the future which is now felt generally.

It has already been noticed that among the main motives moving in the direction of confederation was the desire for a greater Canada. It was then natural that, when once the Union was achieved, negotiations should have been entered upon with a view to securing to the Dominion Rupert's Land and the North-West Territory. As Lord Strathcona has pointed out, 'The acquisition and development of the Hudson Bay Territory was impossible prior to the confederation of the Dominion. No less a body than United Canada could have acquired and administered so large a domain, or have undertaken the construction of railways, without which its development could only have been slow and uncertain.' Resolutions were passed in the Canadian House of Commons in December, 1867, asking the Crown to unite Rupert's Land and the North-West Territory to Canada. Fefore effect

could be given to these resolutions, a private arrangement was necessary between Canada and the Hudson Bay Company. With this object, Sir George Cartier and Mr. McDougall, the proposer of the resolutions in the Canadian Parliament, visited England. Largely owing to the tact and diplomacy of the Secretary of State, Lord Granville, an agreement was arrived at, under which, in consideration of the sum of £300,000 and of certain reserved tracts of land, the Hudson Bay Company surrendered its territorial rights to the Crown, an arrangement to this effect having already received the sanction of the Imperial Legislature. It is unnecessary to recapitulate here the successive blunders which led to the Red River rebellion of 1869, which was suppressed by Colonel Wolseley's expedition of the following year. For present purposes, it is enough to note that by a Canadian Statute of 1870, the new Province of Manitoba was admitted a member of the Dominion. This Act was confirmed by an Imperial Statute of 1871, which declared that the Parliament of Canada might from time to time establish new Provinces in any territories forming part of the Dominion, and provide among other things for their representation in Parliament. Under the provisions of these laws Manitoba was given three senators, as well as representation in the House of Commons according to population. In 1905 the two new Provinces of Saskatchewan and Alberta were carved out of the North-West Territory and even now Western Canada is only in the beginnings of its greatness.

But even when Canada possessed its valuable hinterlands stretching to the Rocky Mountains, something was still lacking before British North America could become an organic whole. West of the Rockies was a valuable country, with an outlook to the Pacific Ocean, without which the Dominion would never have reached its full growth. Among the Quebec resolutions was one declaring that the communications with the North-Western Terri