Taxes could not be collected, because there was no money to represent the value of the little personal property which had not been, and the land which could not be, destroyed; and commerce, though preparing to burst from its thraldom, had not yet had time to restore to the annual produce of the country its exchangeable value. The states owed each a heavy debt for local services rendered during the revolution, for which it was bound to provide, and each had its own domestic government to support.

Under these circumstances, it is not surprising that each state was anxious to retain, for its own benefit, the small but rising revenue derived from foreign commerce; and that the custom-houses in each commercial city were considered as the most valuable sources of income which the states possessed. Each state therefore made its own regulations, its tariff, and tonnage duties, and as a natural consequence, the different states clashed with each other; one foreign nation became more favoured than another under the same circumstances; and one state pursued a system injurious to the interests of others.

Hence the confidence of foreign countries was destroyed; and they could not enter into treaties of commerce with the general government, since they were not likely to be carried into effect. A general decay of trade, the rise of imported merchandise, the fall of produce, and an uncommon decrease in the value of lands, ensued.

In Massachusetts, where several laws were passed for the collection of taxes and debts, the discontent was so great that it led to open rebellion against the state government. In August, 1784, a large body of insurgents assembled and took possession of the court-house, in order to prevent the decision of causes and the consequent issue of executions. A similar mob compelled the court at Worcester to adjourn in September. The same spirit of disaffection was manifested in New Hampshire, and the legislature itself was menaced by an assemblage of the populace. This insurrection, however, was speedily quelled by the decisive measures of the government.

In Massachusetts the spirit of insurrection held out longer. The leader of the malcontents, Daniel Shays, raised a body of 300 men, proceeded to Springfield, where the supreme court was sitting, and surrounding the court-house, compelled the judges to adjourn. After this success his adherents increased so considerably, that it became necessary to order out an army

of 4,000 men to put a stop to their proceedings. This force was placed under the direction of General Lincoln, who, having first afforded sufficient protection to the court at Worcester to enable the judges to resume their functions, marched to Springfield, where the insurgents were on the point of seizing the state arsenal. A single well directed fire of artillery served to disperse the rebels and restore public order. The chief insurgents were afterwards tried, and fourteen of them sentenced to death. But all were ultimately pardoned.

The time at length came when the public mind gave tokens of being prepared for a change in the constitution of the general government-an occurrence the necessity of which had been long foreseen by Washington, Adams, and other distinguished patriots of that period. The evils resulting from the weakness and inefficiency of the old confederation had become so intolerable that the voice of the nation cried out for relief.

The first decisive measures proceeded from the merchants, who came forward simultaneously in all parts of the country, with representations of the utter prostration of the mercantile interests, and petitions for a speedy and efficient remedy. It was shown, that the advantages of this most important source of national prosperity, were flowing into the hands of foreigners, and that the native merchants were suffering for the want of a just protection, and a uniform system of trade. The wise and reflecting were convinced that some decided efforts were necessary to strengthen the general government, or that a dissolution of the union, and perhaps a devastating anarchy, would be inevitable.

The first step towards the formation of a new constitution, was rather accidental than premeditated. Certain citizens of Virginia and Maryland had formed a scheme for promoting the navigation of the Potomac river and Chesapeake bay, and commissioners were appointed by those two states to meet at Alexandria, in March, 1785, and devise some plan of operation. These persons made a visit to Mount Vernon, and, while there, it was proposed among themselves that more important objects should be connected with the purpose at first in view, and that the state governments should be solicited to appoint other commissioners with more enlarged powers, instructed to form a plan for maintaining a naval force in the Chesapeake, and also to fix upon some system of duties, upon

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exports and imports, in which both states should agree, and that in the end, congress should be petitioned to allow these privileges.

This project was approved by the legislature of Virginia, and commissioners were accordingly appointed. The same legislature passed a resolution, recommending the design to other states, and inviting them to unite, by their commissioners, in an attempt to establish such a system of commercial relations as would promote general harmony and prosperity. Five states, in addition to Virginia, acceded to this proposition, namely, Maryland, Delaware, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New York. From these states, commissioners assembled at Annapolis, in September, 1786, but they had hardly entered into a discussion of the topics which naturally forced themselves into view, before, they discovered the powers with which they were intrusted to be so limited, as to tie up their hands from effecting any purpose that could be of essential utility. On this account, as well as from the circumstance, that so few státes were represented, they wisely declined deciding on any important measures in reference to the particular subjects for which they had come together. This convention is memorable, however, as having been the prelude to the one which followed.

Before the commissioners adjourned, a report was agreed upon, in which the necessity of a revision and reform of the articles of the old federal compact was strongly urged, and which contained a recommendation to all the state legislatures, for the appointment of deputies, to meet at Philadelphia, with more ample powers and instructions. This report was laid before congress, and a resolution was passed by that body, recommending a convention for the purpose of revising the articles of confederation, and giving a more substantial and efficient form to the constitution of the general government.

In conformity with these recommendations, a convention of delegates from the several states met at Philadelphia, in May, 1787. Of this body of eminent statesmen, George Washington was unanimously elected president. He had been early solicited to add the weight of his influence to the convention by Mr. Madison, one of its strongest advocates, but had with characteristic modesty declined. No denial, however, would be taken either by the legislature of Virginia, who elected him a delegate, or by the august body itself, who chose that the

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chief of the revolution should preside over its deliberations, while forming the constitution of the country which he had saved from oppression and anarchy.

The convention was composed of some of the most illustrious men, whose names adorn our national history. Besides Washington himself, there were Adams, Jefferson, Madison, Patrick Henry, Franklin, Hamilton, Jay, Randolph, the Lees, and a host of others. The discussion and arrangement of the several articles, was carried on with closed doors, and lasted four months. At length, on the 17th of September, the proposed constitution was made public. It was presented to congress, and by that body submitted to the several states for acceptance.

This constitution is essentially different from the old articles of confederation. The most important point of difference consists in giving to the general government the controul of the revenue, and the regulation of commerce; and thus enabling the congress to raise money directly from the people, instead of resorting to the old system of requisitions on the state governments, which had been found totally inefficient.

By the constitution of the United States, the government is made to consist of three departments, the legislative, executive, and judicial. The legislative or law-making department consists of a senate and house of representatives, collectively styled the congress. The members of the house of representatives are chosen by the people, in districts containing a certain number of inhabitants; and they hold the office for two years. The senators are chosen by the state legislature, two from each state, to hold office for six years, one-third of the senate being renewed every two years. Besides as

sisting in the making of laws, this body confirms the appointments of executive officers made by the president, and ratifies treaties.

The executive department consists of the president, and the officers appointed by him to execute the laws. The president is appointed by electors, who are chosen by the people; or by the representatives, when there is no choice by a majority of the electors. He is elected for four years, but may be elected again. The command of the army and navy, the appointment of all civil, military and naval officers, acting by authority of the United States, and the ratification of treaties are vested in him, the two latter powers being subject, how

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ever, to the confirmation or rejection of the senate. Another important power of the president is that of passing a negative, or veto, on such acts of congress as he may disapprove. A majority of two-thirds of both houses is then necessary, in order to give the act the authority of a law, without the sanction of the president.

By the constitution, congress is authorised to declare war, raise and support armies, maintain a navy, collect revenue, lay direct taxes, regulate commerce, coin money, and provide in general for the security and welfare of the nation.

The judicial department of the government consists of a supreme court, and such district courts as congress may establish. The judges in these courts have jurisdiction of all cases arising under the laws of the United States, and under treaties, as well as the cases between individuals of different states, and between foreigners and citizens.

The constitution no sooner appeared, than it was attacked with great earnestness by a powerful party. Various objections were made to its several provisions, and a discussion in the public journals ensued, lively and animated in proportion to the importance of the subject. It was indeed a question of life and death to the political existence of the nation; and the parties to which it gave rise, have under different names divided the country ever since.

The chief supporters of the constitution Madison, Hamilton, and Jay, had published, while it was under consideration, a series of letters, signed the Federalist, a name which was subsequently applied to the party who adopted their opinions. Their opposers were styled anti-federalists, a designation which was afterwards changed to republicans, democrats, and sundry other terms; the party meanwhile preserving its identity, by opposing such measures as appeared to them calculated to withdraw power from the people, and the individual states, for the purpose of lodging it in the hands of the general government.

The constant struggle which has since been maintained be-tween these parties, has been much deprecated by those who regard the occasional excesses to which it leads, rather than the necessity from which it arises. It is essential to the existence of free institutions, that public measures should be freely discussed and examined on every side. Such discussions enlighten the people, and prevent the adoption of measures dangerous to their liberties; and if a storm occa