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what would be done? The officers of the Force were left in a very bad position. They had shared to the full all the labour which had fallen to the lot of their men, while there was attached to them a peculiar amount of responsibility, the strain caused by which could be properly judged of only by those who had seen what the duties were which they were called upon to perform. If a hasty act was committed, or the slightest want of judgment shown, and anything serious followed, the coroners' juries, in three out of the four Provinces of Ireland, were certain to find a verdict of murder against them. They had been told officially they had no claim to any part of the remuneration to be awarded by Parliament to the Force. He asked, therefore, what the officers were to have? He supposed he might be told that they were to rely upon promotion, and that brought him to the second part of his Question, what chance was there of promotion? He wished to know whether it was necessary that the highest appointments in the Royal Irish Constabulary should always be given to distinguished military officers? He had ascertained the number of Inspectors General who had been appointed to the Royal Irish Constabulary since the year 1856. The number was seven, and only one of those, Sir Henry Brownrigg, was appointed from the Force. Coming lower down, the number of Deputy Inspectors appointed was 12, and of those only one was appointed from the Force. In the grade immediately below that a very large proportion-more than a moiety-of military men had been appointed to those positions. It was also rumoured that the next vacancy, which could not be long before it occurred, in the command of the Constabulary Depôt at Phoenix Park, was to be filled by a military man. One of the great complaints with regard to the Irish Constabulary was that its military organization rendered it extremely ill-adapted for the detection of crime. He did not himself bring forward any such charge against the military officers; but it was a charge which was frequently made by strong supporters of Her Majesty's Government, and also by those journals which took Her Majesty's Government under their especial protection. He wanted to know how it was possible that the Force could be otherwise than military in its charac

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ter, if it was necessarily officered by distinguished men taken from the ranks of the Army? It was hard to complain of their not detecting crime, if they were not trained up to that duty, but to duties entirely dissimilar. He never yet heard, with regard to Sir Henry Brownrigg, that any complaints of want of discipline or any other matter had been made; and he ventured to think that the experiment might be tried of appointing men from the Force with great benefit to the country, and certainly with great encouragement to members of the Force itself. In another department also, that of the Resident Magistracy, the officers of the Constabulary might do valuable service. Within the last two years one gentleman, Mr. Henry Blake, had been appointed a Resident Magistrate; that gentleman had been selected for special service, and from the way he was spoken of he did not think the experiment had been repented of. He had no doubt that at the present time there were plenty of men who would be willing to accept Sub-Inspectorships, which seemed to be small fortune to a man who had nothing. But a young man of 18 or 20 years of age did not, as a rule, look forward to making provision for himself when he became a married man; and it was only when he married and found what little chance he had of promotion that he found how inadequate his pay was to meet the expense of a wife and family. Then a man began to feel a very bitter sense of disappointment, which militated very seriously against the real efficiency of the Force. Severe as the duties of the members of the Royal Irish Constabulary were, he did not think that the events of the last few days-he might say the events of the last few hours-gave any hope that their duties were likely to be lighter; and when the peace of Ireland depended upon the courage and conduct of these men, it would not be wise to stint them in regard to remuneration or prospects of promotion. He trusted that that would not be the course which would be adopted by Her Majesty's Government, and that he should not be told that the Government believed such a course to be unjust as well as impolitic. He begged to ask, When the Bill dealing with the position of officers in the Royal Irish Constabulary is to be intro

duced; and whether it is intended that | he intended to postpone the matter till

the highest commands in that Force are to be invariably held by military men? LORD CARLINGFORD (LORD PRIVY SEAL): I will answer first the last Question of the noble Viscount-namely, with respect to the higher offices of the Royal Irish Constabulary Force. It appears by the information which has been furnished to me that those appointments are not so exclusively filled by gentlemen having been officers in the Army as the noble Viscount seems to think, because it appears that three Assistant Inspectors General were officers in the Force, and were raised to that rank. Of course, in the case of the newly-appointed Inspector General, Colonel Bruce, that was not an appointment from the Army, as he was promoted from the post of Deputy Inspector General. I am also able to tell the noble Viscount that I am informed by my noble Friend the Lord Lieutenant that there is no intention whatever of laying down any rule that the superior appointments in the Force shall be limited to candidates coming from the ranks of the Army. With respect to the earlier part of his Question, I am not able to tell the noble Viscount the exact provisions of the Bill which will shortly be introduced on the subject of the pay and allowances of the Royal Irish Constabulary. But the delay which has taken place has been mainly caused by the fact that it was necessary to reconsider the scheme which had been adopted and recommended by the Departmental Committee which inquired into the matter, for the purpose of giving further and better consideration to the claims of the officers of the Force. That is the cause of the delay. The question is now under careful consideration. The Treasury have to be consulted; but we are in hopes that within a very short time a Bill dealing with the whole question, and including the case of the officers of the Force, will be presented to Parliament.

EDUCATION DEPARTMENT.

DEN SCHOOL BOARD.

OBSERVATIONS.

WILLES

THE EARL OF CARNARVON, who had on the Paper a Notice to call attention to the Letter from the Education Department of the 23rd May 1882 ordering the establishment of a board school for the Willesden district, wished to explain that

Viscount Midleton

Tuesday next at the request of the noble Lord (the Lord Privy Seal), as he had not had time to inquire into the facts. He did so with regret, and wished that the consultation between the noble Lord and the Inspector had been held before the Order, which could not now be cancelled, had been issued. The case was one which well deserved the attention of Her Majesty's Government and the House.

LORD CARLINGFORD (LORD PRIVY SEAL) said, he felt obliged to the noble Earl for postponing the Question at his request. He had done his best to obtain full and satisfactory information, but had not quite succeeded during that day; and, therefore, he was unable to give a satisfactory reply to the noble Earl. He was not at the Council Office at the time when the Order was made, and, therefore, he had no opportunity of knowing personally what took place.

THE MARQUESS OF SALISBURY: I should like to ask the noble Earl the Leader of the House, whether there is any intention on the part of the Government to fill up the Office of Lord President of the Council?

EARL GRANVILLE, in reply, said, that the Office was not vacant; but if it had been, and his noble Friend near him or any other persons had been appointed to it, he could not have had any personal knowledge of this Order, as it was settled by his noble Friend (Earl Spencer).

ROYAL MILITARY ACADEMY,
WOOLWICH.]

QUESTION. OBSERVATIONS.

LORD TRURO asked Her Majesty's Government, If any inquiry has been instituted, and report made, in relation to certain statements contained in a pamphlet written by Professor Bloxam, affecting the Royal Military Academy at Woolwich; and, if so, whether the report will be laid upon the Table? The noble Lord observed, that, though some of the statements made in the pamphlet had been impugned as exaggerations, they rested on the authority of a gentleman of unquestioned character and position. A gentleman who ventured to expose the failings and shortcomings of an institution, as Professor Bloxam had done, stood in a very unpleasant position. Nevertheless, in his opinion, Professor Bloxam deserved the highest credit for

what he had done. Taking the Profes- | portant one; and, no doubt, if any good sion generally, he thought their Lord- result could have been brought about by ships would be of opinion that the lives publishing the result of the investigation, of military men and the associations by the Secretary of State would have been which they were surrounded did not in- willing to strain the official custom of vest them with those qualities of know- considering the result of such inquiries ledge and experience which were neces- private; but no possible good could resary and essential for the ruling of a sult from publication in the present ingreat educational establishment. The stance. He could assure the noble Lord Woolwich Academy had, moreover, the that the question had been carefully inadditional disadvantage that the ap-vestigated in all points, and that the pointment of Governor was only held answers given to Professor Bloxam's for a period of five years. Naturally, allegations were satisfactory. There therefore, the post must be filled by were, he admitted, some isolated cases men of different temperaments and dif- of insubordination; but he did not think ferent views. If there were a Governor these were sufficient to establish anywho was lax in his mode of watching thing approaching to a general accusaover this educational establishment, the tion of indiscipline against the Instituinevitable consequence was that the tion. The question of discipline and next Governor who was appointed must instruction in these Institutions was resort to a more stringent discipline. one which occupied the serious attenThe result was disturbance, spasmodic re- tion of those who were responsible for sentment, and a smouldering irritation the administration of the Army. in the establishment. In his opinion, the present time, there was no desire to an institution like the Woolwich Mili- conceal any matter which ought to be tary Academy might be conducted more attended to; but in regard to this case, successfully under a civilian head with he believed that Professor Bloxam, of military assistants. whom he did not wish to say anything severe, had made statements which, in some instances, were quite unfounded, and in other instances, were exaggerated generalizations from isolated acts. An investigation, though not of a public character, would be made into the general subject of the education of candidates for the Army.

THE EARL OF MORLEY deemed it unnecessary to detain the House by prolonging remarks on a subject which was disposed of the other day. With out going, however, into the details which the noble Lord had brought forward, he would tell him at once, in answer to his Question, that in accordance with what he stated on a previous occasion, the Secretary of State had called for a Report on the allegations contained in Professor Bloxam's pamphlet. That Report was not of such a kind that it could be presented to Parliament. It affected matters of discipline, and it would be extremely inconvenient to present it to Parliament. But the Report dealt in detail with all the points brought forward by Professor Bloxam, and the Secretary of State considered that those allegations were satisfactorily dealt with, and that it was not necessary to proceed any further in the matter. He might mention that, after the close of the Correspondence referred to in his pamphlet, Dr. Bloxam had a long interview with the Governor; therefore, he had had a more ample opportunity of stating his view on the question of discipline than he could have had in Correspondence. He quite agreed with the noble Lord that the question was an im

At

House adjourned at a quarter past Five o'clock, to Monday next, a quarter before Eleven o'clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS,

Friday, 9th June, 1882.

MINUTES.]

PRIVATE BILL (by Order) Third Reading-Regent's Canal, City, and Docks Railway, and passed. PUBLIC BILLS-Committee-Prevention of Crime (Ireland) [157]—R.P. [Eighth Night]. Committee-Report-Vagrancy* [62-199]. Report-Local Government (Gas) Provisional Order [144]; Local Government (Ireland) Provisional Orders (No. 2)* [165]; Local Government (Ireland) Provisional Orders (No. 3) [172]; Local Government Provisional Orders (No. 2)* [145]; Local Government Provisional Orders (No. 4)* [159] Local Government Provisional Orders (No. 6)*

[166]; Local Government Provisional Orders (No. 7) [167]; Local Government Provisional Order (No. 8) [168]; Local Government Provisional Orders (No. 9)* [174]; Local Government Provisional Order (No. 10)* [181]; Land Drainage Provisional Order* [164].

Third Reading-Interments (Felo de se) * [98], and passed.

PRIVATE BUSINESS.

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REGENT'S CANAL, CITY, AND DOCKS
RAILWAY BILL (by Order).

THIRD READING.

Order for Third Reading read. Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read the third time."

were to be appointed by the Committee of Selection. The suggestion of the President of the Board of Trade was adopted. The Bill was referred to a Hybrid Committee, and the House now had before it the Report of that Committee. It would be his duty briefly to call the attention of the House to that Report, and especially to the meagreness of the explanations which it gave. This was a Bill for incorporating the Regent's Canal, City, and Docks Railway Company. That was the ground of Part II. of the Bill, and to that he made no objection. But it went on to provide for the transfer to the newly-created Railway Company of the undertaking called the Regent's Canal Company. That provision was contained, he thought, in Parts III. and IV. of the Bill, and to MR. MONK, in rising to move the re- that provision he most decidedly objected. jection of the Bill, said, he had to present The Bill had certain other objects in a Petition from the Executive Council of view; but the main object was the the Associated Chambers of Commerce transfer of, perhaps, the most important against this Bill. The Petitioners called water navigation in the Kingdom to a attention to the Resolution arrived at Railway Company; and, as he had by the Joint Committee of the Lords and already stated, it was contrary to the Commons in 1872; and they also ex- recommendations of various Select Compressed the same opinion as that which mittees, of that House, and decidedly was expressed by his right hon. Friend antagonistic to the recommendations of the President of the Board of Trade (Mr. the Joint Committee of the two Houses Chamberlain) on the second reading of of Parliament in 1872. The President the Bill, when his right hon. Friend of the Board of Trade, whom he restated that the conclusions he had arrived gretted not to see in his place, sent a at were entirely in accordance with the special Report to the Committee-the views of Parliament, and of those en- Hybrid Committee appointed by the gaged in the commerce of the country-House to inquire into the merits of the namely, that the amalgamation of Canals with Railway Companies ought to be discouraged; that the control of the Canals ought not to be invested in the Railway Companies; and that, at all events, every precaution should be taken for securing the independence and maintenance of the inland water navigation of the country. He (Mr. Monk) regarded this as the most important Private Bill which had been brought before the House during the present Session; and if any apology were needed for the course he was now taking in calling attention to the measure at this late stage of the Bill, it would be found in the fact that, on the second reading, his right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Trade proposed that it should not be referred to an ordinary Committee of four Members, but to an exceptional Committee-a Hybrid Committee, consisting of nine Members, five of whom

Bill. The Select Committee reported simply that they had passed the Preamble of the Bill; and they went on to state that there were no other circumstances of which, in the opinion of the Committee, it was desirable that the House should be informed, and that they had examined the allegations contained in the Preamble of the Bill, and amended the same to make it consistent with the provisions of the Bill as passed by the Committee, and found the same, as amended, to be true, and had gone through the Bill and made Amendments thereunto. It would be seen that the Report contained no reference whatever to the extraordinary circumstances under which the Bill was referred to a Select Committee. So far as he was able to see, the Report of the Board of Trade was entirely ignored. It was very possible that certain of the recommendations of the Board of Trade had been inserted

into the Regent's Canal system to its own system of railway, instead of to the water communication which formed the general source of the Canal traffic of the country. He would remind the House that the Regent's Canal Company was reported to be in a very flourishing con

in some of the clauses of the Bill, and that the requirements of the Board of Trade had, to a certain extent, been safeguarded by the Committee; but nothing whatever was said as to the wisdom of the course now proposed to be taken in transferring this Canal Company to a Railway Company. It was in conse-dition. It was altogether a different quence of the extraordinary nature of case from that of other navigations, this Bill that it was referred to a Special which had not been able to pay their Committee, and on turning to the pro- own expenses, and which had, unfortuceedings, which were placed in the hands nately, fallen into the hands of the great of hon. Members a day or two ago, he Railway Companies. This, so far as he found that the Committee divided as to understood, was a paying concern, earnthe propriety of passing the Preamble of ing no less than the net sum of £60,000 the Bill, and upon that division he found a-year. Whether that was the actual that the Ayes were 4 and the Noes 4 figure or not, the Company were, at all also; whereupon the Chairman declared events, in very flourishing circumstances, himself in favour of the Ayes. The and, therefore, there was not the same minority were composed of the hon. necessity for transferring it to a ComMember for Warwick (Mr. A. Peel), the pany which might arise in the case of hon. Member for Carnarvonshire (Mr. an impoverished Company. He thought Rathbone), the hon. Member for East it was a national policy to keep the Essex (Mr. Round), and the hon. Mem- inland navigation open; but it seemed ber for South Warwickshire (Mr. Gil- here that the whole question endeabert Leigh). Now, those were Mem-voured to be solved was the best means bers of considerable experience in the House, and he thought their opinions were entitled to very great weight. He therefore hoped they should hear either from his hon. Friend the Member for Herefordshire (Sir Joseph Bailey), who was Chairman of the Committee, or from some other Member of it, why it was that they had not reported in reference to the subject-matter which was referred to them-namely, whether it was expedient that the policy recommended by all the Committees which had sat in the House of Commons, and by the Joint Committee of the Lords and Commons, in 1872, should in this instance be departed from. He found that there were no less than 76 Petitions presented against the Bill, and, as far as he was aware, there was not a single Petition in favour of it. His objection -or rather the objection of the Association on behalf of whom he had the honour to speak-was that the transference of this Canal Company into the hands of a Railway Company would place it in the power of the Railway Company to starve the navigation so transferred. It would matter very little what clause they inserted in the Bill for the protection of the navigation, because the Bill would enable the Railway Company to divert the traffic which came from the other Canals in the country

of dividing good dividends among the proprietors. He believed that the Regent's Canal had branches to the London Docks, and that it there collected a great portion of the traffic which passed over the other Canals of the country. If that were so, it was surely most unwise for the House to depart from the policy it had so frequently recommended, and which certainly seemed to him to be the most desirable one to follow, of keeping the water navigation free and open, especially in a case where the Canal was a perfect solvent concern. He looked upon this Bill as, perhaps, the first, but, at all events, a most vital step towards closing the water navigation of the country. If Parliament consented to pass this Bill, he did not see how they could refuse to transfer any Canal whatever into the hands of a Railway Company which was able to give an undertaking that it would keep open the waterway. He might, further, remind the House that a Committee had now been sitting upstairs for nearly two Sessions, presided over by his hon. Friend the Under Secretary of State for the Colonies (Mr. Evelyn Ashley), in order to inquire, among other things, into this very question. That Committee had taken evidence with regard to Canals and with regard to their connection with the railways. He (Mr. Monk) had the honour

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