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ceffity of fecrecy; and we have promifed Méffrs. X. and Y. that their names fhall in no event be made public.

We have the honour to be, with great refpect and esteem,
Your most obedient humble fervants,

CHARLES COTESWORTH PINCKNEY.
J. MARSHALL.

E. GERRY.

P.S. October 27, 1797.-The definitive articles of peace are figned between the French republic and the Emperor; the parti culars you will find in the public prints. The Portuguese minifter is ordered to quit France, as the treaty with Portugal has not been yet ratified by the Queen. The treaty itself is declared by the Directory to be void. Since our arrival at Paris, the tribunal of caffation has rejected Captain Scot's petition, complaining of the condemnation of his veffel by the civil tribunal for the want of a role d'equipage. Mr. —, in behalf of the owners of the Ame rican veffels, who have appealed in the laft refort to the tribunal of caffation, informs, that notwithstanding the arguments →→→→

to put off the hearing of the Rofanna, as a diplomatic cafe, till the iffue of our negotiation is known, that cafe is fet down for hearing, and will come on the 29th or 30th inftant. The fame alfo fays, that it is obvious that the tribunal have received instructions from the officers of government to haften their decifions, and that it was hardly worth while to for all our petitions in cassation would be rejected. Our advocates decline giving their fentiments on this subject under an apprehenfion of committing themselves.

Colonel Pickering, Secretary to the United States.

Paragraph of the Prefident's Speech referred to in Letter No. I. under the Title of Exhibit A.

1. WITH this conduct of the French government it will be proper to take into view the public audience given to the late minifter of the United States, on his taking leave of the Executive Directory. The fpeech of the Prefident difclofes fentiments more alarming than the refufal of a minifter, because more dangerous to our independence and union, and at the fame time ftudiously marked with indignities against the government of the United States. It evinces a difpofition to feparate the people of the United States from the government; to perfuade them that they have different affections, principles, and interests, from thofe of their fellow-citizens, whom they themselves have chofen to manage their common concerns, and thus to produce divifions fatal to our peace. Such attempts ought to be repelled with a decifion VOL. VII.

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which fhall convince France and the world, that we are not a degraded people, humiliated under a colonial fenfe of fear, fitted to be the miferable inftruments of foreign influence, and regardlefs of national honour, character, and intereft.

II. The diplomatic intercourfe between France and the United States being at prefent fufpended, the government has no means of obtaining official information from that country; neverthe lefs, there is reason to believe that the Executive Directory paffed a decree, on the 2d of March laft, contravening in part the treaty of amity and commerce of 1778, injurious to our lawful commerce, and endangering the lives of our citizens. A copy of this decree will be laid before you.

III. While we are endeavouring to adjust our differences with France by amicable negotiation, the progrefs of the war in Europe, the depredations on our commerce, the personal injuries to our citizens, and the general complexion of affairs, render it my indifpenfable duty to recommend to your confideration effectual measures of defence.

IV. It is impoffible to conceal from ourselves, or the world, what has been before obferved, that endeavours have been em. ployed to fofter and establish a divifion between the government and the people of the United States. To investigate the causes which have encouraged this attempt is not neceffary; but to repel, by decided and united councils, infinuations fo derogatory to the honour and aggreffions fo dangerous to the conftitution, union, and even independence of the nation, is an indifpenfable duty.

No. II.

Dear Sir, Paris, Nov. 8, 1797. WE now enclose you, in thirty-fix quarto pages of cipher, and in eight pages of ciphered exhibits, the fequel to the details commenced in No. I. dated the 22d of last month; and have the honour to be

Your moft obedient humble fervants,

Colonel Pickering.

CHARLES COTESWORTH PINCKNEY.
J. MARSHALL.

E. GERRY.

October 27, 1797.-About twelve we received another visit from M. X. He immediately mentioned the great event announced in the papers, and then faid, that fome propofals from, us had been expected on the subject on which we had before converfed; that the Directory were becoming impatient, and would take a decided courfe with regard to America, if we could not

foften

foften them. We anfwered, that on that fubject we had already Ipoken explicitly, and had nothing farther to add. He men tioned the change in the ftate of things which had been produced by the peace with the Emperor, as warranting an expectation of a change in our fyftem; to which we only replied, that this event had been expected by us, and would not in any degree affect our conduct. M. X. urged, that the Directory had, fince this peace, taken a higher and more decided tone with refpect to us, and all other neutral nations, than had been before taken; that it had been determined, that all nations should aid them, or be confi dered and treated as their enemies. We anfwered, that fuch an effect had already been contemplated by us as probable, and had not been overlooked, when we gave to this proposition our decided anfwer; and further, that we had no powers to negotiate for a loan of money; that our government had not contemplated fuch a circumftance in any degree whatever; that if we should ftipulate a loan, it should be a perfectly void thing, and would only deceive France, and expofe ourselves. M. X. again expatiated on the power and violence of France: he urged the danger of our fituation, and preffed the policy of foftening them, and of thereby obtaining time. The prefent men, he faid, would very probably not continue long in power; and it would be very unfortunate, if those who might fucceed, with better difpofitions towards us, fhould find the two nations in actual war. We answered, that if war fhould be made on us by France, it would be fo obviously forced on us, that, on a change of men, peace might be made with as much facility as the prefent differences could be accommodated: we added, that all America deprecated a war with France; but that our present situation was more ruinous to us than a declared war would be; that at present our commerce was plundered unprotected; but that if war was declared, we should feek the means of protection. M. X. faid, he hoped we should not form a connexion with Britain; and we answered, that we hoped fo too; that we had all been engaged in our revolution war, and felt its injuries; that it had made the deepest impreffion on us; but that if France should attack us, we muft feek the best means of felf-defence. M. X. again returned to the subject of money: faid he, Gentlemen, you do not speak to the point-it is money; it is expected that you will offer money.. We said, we had fpoken to that point very explicitly; we had given an anfwer. No, faid he, you have not; what is your anfwer? We replied, It is, No; no; not a fixpence. He again called our attention to the dangers which threatened our country, and afked, if it would not be prudent, though we might not make a loan to the nation, to intereft an influential friend in our favour? He faid, we ought to confider what men we had to treat with; that they difregarded the juftice of our claims, and the reafoning

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with which we might fupport them; that they difregarded their own colonies; and confidered themselves as perfectly invulnerable with refpect to us; that we could only acquire an interest among them by a judicious application of money; and it was for us to confider, whether the fituation of our country did not require that these means fhould be reforted to. We obferved, that the conduct of the French government was fuch as to leave us much reason to fear, that, thould we give the money, it would effect no good purpose, and would not produce a juft mode of thinking with refpect to us. He faid, that when we employed a lawyer we gave him a fee, without knowing whether the caufe could be gained or not; but it was neceffary to have one, and we paid for his fervices, whether thofe fervices were fuccefsful or not: fo in the prefent ftate of things, the money must be advanced for the good offices the individuals were to render, whatever might be the effect of thofe good offices. We told him there was no parallel in the cafes; that a lawyer, not being to render the adjudgment, could not command fuccefs: he could only endeavour to obtain it; and confequently, we could only pay him for his endeavours: but the Directory could decide on the iffue of our negotiation. It had only to order that no more American veffels fhould be feized, and to direct those now in cuftody to be restored, and there could be no oppofition to the order. He faid, that all the members of the Directory were not difpofed to receive our money: that Merlin, for inftance, was paid from another quarter, and would touch no part of the douceur which was to come from us. We replied, that we understood that Merlin was paid by the owners of the privateers; and he nodded an affent to the fact. He proceeded to prefs this fubject with vast perseverance. He told us that we paid money to obtain peace with the Algerines and with the Indians; and that it was doing no more to pay France for peace. To this it was answered, that when our government commenced a treaty with either Algiers or the Indian tribes, it was understood that money was to form the basis of the treaty, and was its effential article; that the whole nation knew it, and was prepared to expect it as a thing of courfe; but that, in treating with France, our government had fuppofed that the propofition, fuch as he spoke of, would, if made by us, give mortal offence.

He afked, if our government did not know that nothing was to be obtained here without money? We replied, that our government had not even fufpected such a state of things. He appeared fur. prifed at it, and faid, there was not an American in Paris who could not have given that information. We told him that the Jetters of our minifter had indicated a very contrary temper in the government of France; and had reprefented it as acting entirely upon principle, and as feeling a very pure and difinterested af fection for America. He looked fomewhat furprised, and said

brifkly

brifkly to General Pinckney, Well, Sir, you have been a long time in France and in Holland-what do you think of it? General Pinckney answered, that he confidered M. X. and M. Y. as men of truth, and, of confequence, he could but have one opinion on the fubje&t. He stated that Hamburgh and other ftates of Europe were obliged to buy a peace; and that it would be equally for our intereft to do fo. Once more he spoke on the danger of a breach with France, and of her power, which nothing could refift. We told him, that it would be in vain for us to deny her power, or the folicitude we felt to avoid a conteft with it; that no nation estimated her power more highly than America, or wished more to be on amicable terms with her; but that one object was still dearer to us than the friendship of France--which was our national independence: that America had taken a neutral station; fhe had a right to take it; no nation had a right to force us out of it; that to lend a fum of money to a belligerent power, abounding in every thing requifité for war but money, was to relinquifh our neutrality, and take part in the war; to lend this money under the lash and coercion of France, was to relinquish the government of ourfelves, and to fubmit to a foreign government impofed upon us by force; that we would make at least one manly ftruggle before we thus furrendered our national independence; that our cafe was different from that of one of the minor nations of Europe; they were unable to maintain their independence, and did not expect to. do fo: America was a great, and, fo far as concerned her felfdefence, a powerful nation; the was able to maintain her independence; and must deserve to lofe it, if fhe permitted it to be wrefted from her; that France and Britain had been at war for near fifty years of the laft hundred, and might probably be at war for fifty years of the century to come; that America hadno motives which could induce her to involve herself in those wars; and that, if she now preferved her neutrality and her independence, it was most probable that the would not in future be afraid, as the had been for four years paft; but if he now furrendered her rights of felf-government to France, or permitted them to be torn from her, the could not expect to recover them, or to remain neutral in any future war. He faid that France had lent us money during our revolution war, and only required that we should now exhibit the fame friendship for her. We anfwered, that the cafes were very different: that America folicited a loan from France, and left her at liberty to grant or refufe it; but that France demanded it from America, and left us no choice on the fubject. We alfo told him there was another difference in the cafes; that the money was lent by France for great national and French objects; it was lent to maim a rival, and an enemy whom the hated; that the money, if lent by America, would not be for any American. objes, but to enable France to extend still further her conquefts.

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