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to do so, press them to a literal compliance with their con- only myself, but many other members—whom I will not tracts, without involving our whole people, more or less, in do the injustice even of comparing with him in point of the fearful consequences of the bankruptcy that would pro- wisdom and sagacity-have been unable to see the evil tenbably ensue. We give you, however, an acknowledgment dencies of the proposed amendment. Although they have of your claims against us, which will be every where nearly had the benefit of the illumination shed upon the subject as good, in some parts of the country probably better, than by the sagacious chairman, they regard the objections made the precious metals—which, at all events, is at a premium, by him as unsound and frivolous as I do; objections which, in reference to what you would not hesitate to receive from whatever estimate I may have put upon the wisdom of the a prirate debtor ; and we put it to your patriotism and your gentleman from New York, prove that he does not possess sense of justice, to decide whether we have not, to all sub- one whit more sagacity than I s!ipposed him to have. stantial purposes, complied with our engagements.” Sir, What is it that the chairman of the Committee of Ways depend upon it, such an appeal to the good sense and the and Means tells us is the character and effect, and even, as generosity of our fellotv-citizens will not be made in vain. he intimates, the object of this amendment? Why, that

The right of the Government, therefore, in every aspect it will give the United States Bank of Pennsylvania a benof the case, being, as I conceive, fully established, the on- efit of at least one hundred thousand dollars. How does ly remaining question is, in what form will these notes he he make out this? What plausible or even colorable proof most beneficial to the public? Whether it is better to is- of this assertion has he adduced ? These bonds which he sue them bearing an interest of not more than 6 per cent., assumes that the Bank of the United States, and that bank or bearing either no interest at all, or a very small one, to alone, can or will purchase, are bonds bearing an interest be ascertained by the House? And this brings me to the of six per cent. payable in one, two, and three years. The differences between me and the chairman of the Commit- Bank of the United States, as is notorious, so far from betee of Ways and Means, or, to express it more accu- ing desirous or interested in taking in such bonds, has rately, perhaps, between the Senate and the committee of been recently issuing new bonds, for the purpose of raising this House. Sir, I admit that these notes, at a higher rate funds in England, in order to strengthen herself, and enaoi interest than I approve, would serve an excellent pur bling her the better to live through the present calamitous pose as remittances to Europe; but exchanges, as we have condition of our commercial and moneyed affairs. But seen, are already fallen nearly 50 per cent. within a very sgain : the amendment limits the sale of the bonds at par, few days, and there is every reason to believe that as soon with liberty to the Secretary to get as much more than par as the coming crop shall be brought to market, they will as he can. Are we to be told that these bonds will not sell be down at par. But the prospect of an improvement in at par? our domestic exchanges is unfortunately not so good.


(Mr. CAMBRELENG here said that he said no such thing.) immense debt is due from the West and the Southwest to Mr. Patron resumed. I did not say he said so. the great commercial capitals on the Atlantic, to the pay- the question-are these bonds worth par or not? If not, ment of which, notes bearing a high rate of interest will then they will not be sold, for the amendinent prohibits it; contribute no aid whatever. They will, you may rely and the gentleman from Kentucky proposes to provide for upon it, sir, be instantly bought up hy capitalists for invest that contingency, by authorizing the Secretary to raise six ment. They will disappear entirely, as gold and silver millions of dollars by direct loan. If they are worth par, have disappeared. In consequence of the shock given to or more than par, by what authority of fact or reason can all credit by the late revulsion, there are immense deposites it be assumed that nobody will purchase but the Pennsylin all your banks waiting for some safe opportunity to lay vania Bank of the United States? Why, we have been them out on any reasonable terms. The answers made to constantly told during the last spring and summer, from a the circular of the Secretary of the Treasury have no source of high authority with some gentlemen, (though of weight at all with me, not only because, as I said just now, very little weight with me,) that this institution was upon a very material change has occurred in the price of bullion the eve of bankruptcy; that the declaration of Mr. Biddle since that date, but for several other reasons which need that his bank could have continued to pay specie was an not be dwelt upon here. These notes are not intended to empty and unfounded boast. We know that this bank go into the market at all. My idea of the proper use to has been engaged in large mercantile and financial operabe made of them is, that they shall be passed away, as I tions, which have probably employed all her disposable have said, to the functionaries and creditors of the Govern- means. Still, I think it may be possible that she might ment. I repeal, that I have no doubt that they will be purchase these bonds ; but it is manifest that she cannot do readily accepted by them, and that the extravagant rates so unless at their full value. What possible injury can be of exchange between the different parts of the country will done to the Government by getting its debt fully paid in keep them up at a considerable premium in respect of the advance? The amendment throws the bonds into marbest bank paper, and nearly, if not quite, at a par with gold | ket; it invites the competition of all capitalists here and in and silver.

England, and thereby insures a sale upon the best possible Mr. PATTON said he desired to say a few words in

And I am warranted, upon the opinion of an emireply to the gentleman from New York, [Mr. CAMBREL- nent merchant, who is one of the most intelligent members ENG.] That gentleman had taken occasion, in answering of this House, (Mr. Pallips,) in expressing the opinion the remarks which he (Mr. Patton) made on yesterday, that they will sell readily and at a premium. It is a matter to express himself in a manner, to say the least, rude and of indifference to me who purchases them, even although uncourteous. He said, as I understand, that he had sup- it be the Bank of the United States of Pennsylvania. If pused I had more sagacity than not to perceive the design she will give more for them than any other institution or and effeet of the amendment proposed by the gentleman individual, I have not the slightest objection ; indeed, it is from Kentucky. I am a man, Mr. Speaker, of very hum- with me rather a recommendation; for then the separation ble pretensions in point of sagacity, and surely will not un. and divorce of the Government from that bank would be dertake to rival the claims, in that regard, of so profound final and complete. I am not to be deterred froin advocaand sagacious a statesman and financier as the chairman of ting a measure by which the demands of the Treasury may the Committee of Ways and Means: that is a comparison be met out of our own funds without loan or laxation, by which it would be more becoming in him, as well as my. having the ghost of the United States Bank paraded beself, to leave to the judgment of the House and others.

It seems to be perpetually flitting before the I think, by this time, said Mr. P., that the chairman of apprehensions of some gentlemen, disturbing their compothe Committee of Ways and Means has discovered that not sure, and disordering their minds. It is an "unreal mock

fore my eyes.


H. OF R.]

Treasury Notes.

(Oct. 6, 1837.

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ery,” I fear it not. I have borne my part in the war that the institution be left hereafter to its own resources and
has been waged against the Bank of the United States means.
during the last four or five years. It is dead and buried, The bill, which was the answer to this recommendation,
and we performed its funeral obsequies in solemn form was favored with the approbation of the gentleman from
only a day or two ago. This amendment proposes to sever New York. Now, sir, is it wonderful that I should be
the last link of connexion with this deceased institution. suprised that any opponent of the Bank of the United

But the gentleman from New York asks, are we going States, or any friend of the administration, pledged to
to place the Government in the degrading attitude of an en- walk in the footsteps of General Jackson, should oppose
dorser of the Bank of the United States ? And why shall the present proposition to sell the stock in the Bank of the
we not endorse our own bonds on which we want to raise United States, and thereby meet “the exigencies of the
money? What degradation is there in this ? Does not Government, without recourse to loans or taxes?"
every man who sells a bond endorse it? Who has ever The means recommended by the late President for dis-
been degraded by it? The whole effect of the endorsement connecting the Government with the bank; the means re-
or assignment is, that if the bank does not discharge its ob- commended by the chairman of the Committee on Foreign
ligation when due, the Government will indemnify the pur- Relations (Mr. CAMBRELENG] for supplying the demands
chasers. How will that continue the covnexion with the of the Government without resorting to loans or taxes, are
bank more than now exists? The whole amount of it is, now resisted by the chairman of the Committee of Ways
that if the bonds are sold, the Government insures them to and Means, (Mr. CAMBRELENG,) although the exigencies
the purchaser. If we hold them, we stand our own insu- of the Government can be no otherwise met but by adopt-

If the bank fails to pay them, the Government loses ing it, or resorting to loans and taxes. I repeat that I am the amount in one case as well as the other. There is no surprised that any real opponent of the Bank of the United new liability incurred, and in the worst event that can hap- States should oppose this amendment. If the proposition pen, the failure of the bank before the bonds became due- had come from the chairman of the Committee of Ways of which I have not the least apprehension—the Govern- and Means, how many of those who opposed the Bank of ment will have had the use of the amount of the bonds to the United States would have resisted it? I venture to meet her pressing engagements, and in the end will only say, very few, if one. Why should we not avail ourselves have to provide funds to reimburse the purchaser, precisely of our own resources, sell our own stocks, rather than in the same way as you must provide funds to take up your create a new national debit; now when the shouts of grat. Treasury notes, if you issue them.

ulation for the extinguishment of the old debt are still ringBut, if the gentleman from New York is right in assum- ing in our ears? ing that the Bank of the United States will purchase the So much for that subject. I wish now to make some bonds, then what becomes of his objection to the Govern- reply to the remarks of the gentleman from Maryland, ment being the endorser ? If the bank purchases, or rather [Mr. THOMAS,) upon the other branch of the amendment. anticipates the payment of its bonds, there is an end of It proposes to legalize the practice heretofore pursued by all liability on the part of the Government—there is no en- the Treasury, of issuing Treasury drafts upon the deposite dorsement.

banks, and to require and compel him to receive these I expressed my surprise that the gentleman from New drafts in payment of Government dues, when not paid by York, who had heretofore acted so conspicuous a part in the banks in funds acceptable to the holder. This pracurging a disconnexion between the United States Bank tice has been pursued since the suspension of specie payand the Government, who had heretofore been so ready to ments without any difficulty so far as the Treasury is consell the stock of the Government in that bank, did not at cerned, and to the entire satisfaction of the public creditor. once and eagerly avail himself of the present opportunity. It makes available those funds of the Treasury which are I referred to his recommendation as chairman of the Com- now pronounced to be unavailable. These drafts are now mittee on Foreign Relations two or three years ago, that only one or one and a half per cent. below specie. Under the stock should be sold to meet contingent expenses, in this course the deposite banks have paid about fifteen milthe event of difficulties with France. I understand his lions of their debt to the Government, and if it be continanswer to this to be that the proposition was not to sell the ued, I have great hopes that all the deposite banks will disstock, but to use funds of the Government then due from charge the balances due from them, satisfactorily to the the bank. Why, sir, I read, and will read again, from the public creditors, and without embarrassment or inconvereport made by Mr. CAMBRELENG, on the 27th of Februa- nience to themselves. Can any gentleman reasonably hope ry, 1835, from the Committee on Foreign Relations, in that Treasury notes will have a better credit than Treasury connexion with our difficulties with France :

drafts? These Treasury drafts will answer, as they have “ It is a gratifying circumstance that our means are ad- done as a medium of circulation, as a means of supplying equate to meet any exigency without recourse to loans or domestic exchange. Treasury notes, especially if they

The bill now before the House, authorizing the bear interest, will not circulate as currency; they will be sale of our stock in the Bank of the United States, would, taken up for investment, and go into the hands of moneyif adopted, afford all the rerenue necessary. The commit. ed capitalists, and "rag barons,” as it is the fashion of tee is of opinion that the whole or a part of the fund to be one class of politicians to characterize men of wealth and derived from that source should be appropriated for the pur- | moneyed institutions. pose of arming our fortifications,” &c.

The gentleman from Maryland says that there have The bill referred to in this extract, for selling the stock, been decisive indications given by this House that the is. had been reported in pursuance of the recommendation of suing of Treasury drafis, as has been heretofore done, President Jackson. And, as an additional support to the should be discontinued, and expresses his astonishment measure now recommended, I will reail a passage from the that the proposition made by me, and accepted by the genmessage of General Jackson, of the session of 1834 and tleman from Kentucky, should have been made, after these 1835. After speaking of the danger and impropriety of decisive indications. When, where, and how, have such continuing any connexion between the Government and indications been given by this House? No such evidence the bank, the President proceeds:

has been given, no such views have been developed, as “I feel it to be my duty to recommend to you that a law the opinion of this House. be passed authorizing the sale of the public stock ;” and It is true, that we have had sent down to us from the " that all laws connecting the Government or its officers Senate a bill which proposes to indulge the deposite banks, with the bank, directly or indirectly, be repealed; and that to give them indulgence to pay their debts to the Govern

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Oct. 6, 1837.]

Treasury Notes.

[H. of R.

ment in three instalments, at 4, 6, and 9 months, and On the question of sustaining the call for the previous then to turn them over, if they do not pay, to the tender question there was a tie, the ages being 88, and the noes mercies of the Secretary of the Treasury, with all his gold | 88. The Chair voting in the negative, it was not susand silver notions.

tained. The proposition now before you holds out to the banks Mr. CAMBRELENG now pressed for action on the an indulgence indefinite and unlimited, at the same time bill, and referred to pledges given hy gentlemen of the opthat it affords relief to the Government and the people, by position that a vote should be had this night. authorizing an issue of drafts drawn upon these funds in Mr. WISE replied, admitting that he had given such a the banks, making them available to the Government, pledge but for himself only. He did not undertake to without distressing the banks. I make an appeal to the command the House, or speak for it as at his bid.ling. gentlemen representing the West and Southwest, whose Mr. W. C. JOHNSON obtained the floor, and addressed banks owe the largest sums, and which I am told by a the House in a speech of great animation till late in the member from that region cannot probably resume specie evening. payments in less than eighteen inonths or two years, and Mr. PHILLIPS read to the House, from a document ask them how they can reconcile it to themselves to re- recently received, and not yet generally distributed, in refuse this amendment ? The measure I propose will give ply to a call for the correspondence of the Treasury with these banks an indefinite indulgence, and at the same time various individuals, touching the terms of their reception make their balances available to the Government without of Treasury notes for specie; and in which many commerthe cost of a dollar, and in a way entirely free from all cial capitalists declined altogether having any thing to do constitutional difficulty, while the measures recommended with such a transaction. by the Executive have a direct tendency (I speak of all The question was at length obtained on the amendthe measures, including the sub-Treasury scheme) to in- ment moved by Mr. UNDERWOOD, and decided as folcrease the demand for specie-to make dificulties in the lows: way of resuming specie payments. I ask the gentlemen YEAR-Messrs. Adams, Alexander, H. Allen, John W. from the West and Southwest, if they are ready to agree Allen, Aycrigg, Bell, Biddle, Bond, Bouldin, Briggs, W. that their banks shall be treated as bankrupts, and to have B. Calhoun, J. Calhoon, W. B. Campbell, J. Cainpbell

, them pounced on by the district attorneys of the United W. B. Carter, Chambers, Cheatham, Childs, Clowney, States under the pending law? The necessary effect of Corwin, Cranston, Crockett, Curtis, Cushing, Darlington, this would be, that those banks must sue their debtors, Dawson, Davies, Dennis, Dunn, Elmore, Everett, Ewing, those indebted to the banks must sue their debtors, and R. Fletcher, Fillmore, R. Garland, Goode, J. Graham, thus all the people in those regions must be involved in W. Graham, Graves, Grennell, Griffin, Halsted, Harlan, one common ruin.

Harper, Hastings, Hawes, Henry, Herod, Hoffman, HopIt is my decided opinion that the means of meeting the kins, R. M. T. Hunter, Jenifer, H. Johnson, W. C. Johnexigencies of the country, proposed by the amendment, son, Lawler, Lincoln, A. W. Loomis, Mallory, Marvin, are preferable to the issue of Treasury notes, with or with s. Mason, Maury, Maxwell, McKennan, Menefee, Merout interest. I am not able to see how Treasury notes, cer, Milligan, C. Morris, Naylor, Noyes, Ogle, Patterson, without interest, issued only upon the faith of the Govern. Patton, Peck, Phillips, Pope, Potts, Rariden, Reed, Renchment, intended as a circulating medium, can be distin- er, Ridgway, Robertson, Rumsey, Russell, Sawyer, A. H. guished from bills of credii---strictly a Government paper Shepperd, C. Shepard, Sibley, Slade, Southgate, Stanly, money. As at present advised, I cannot vote for such a Stratton, Taliaferro, Thompson, Tillinghast, Underwood, bill, because I can see no coustitutional authority in this A. S. White, J. White, E. Whittlesey, L. Williams, Government to issue bills of credit.

S. Williams, J. L. Williams, C. H. Williams, Wise, and In conclusion, I beg leave to say, that I think the Yorke-104. amnendment of the gentleman, modified as it has been, on Nars_Messrs. Anderson, Andrews, Atherton, Beatty, my motion, having the eflect of supplying the requisite Beirne, Bicknell, Birdsall, Boon, Brodhead, Bronson, means of meeting the demands of the Treasury, without Bruyn, Buchanan, Camlıreleng, T. J. Carter, Casey, Chataxes or loans, ought to receive the favorable consideration ney, Chapman, Cilley, Claiborne, Clark, Cleveland, Coles, of the House.

Conner, Crary, Cushman, Davee, DeGraff, Dromgoole, Still, however, if the House reject this amendment, Duncan, Edwards, Farrington, Fairfield, Foster, Fry, and no more acceptable and less questionable means of Gallup, Gholson, Glascock, Grantland, Grant, Gray, Haley, raising money can be suggested, I will vote for a loan of Hammond, Harrison, Hawkins, Haynes, Holsey, Holt, money, and the issue of certificates of loan in the form of Howard, Hubley, Ingham, T. B. Jackson, J. Jackson, Treasury notes bearing interest. In that form, I consider N. Jones, J. W. Jones, Kemble, Kilgore, Klingensmith, them substantially a loan, and therefore constitutional ; | Legare, Leadbetter, Lewis, Logan, A. Loomis, Lyon, J.M. though I would prefer a direct loan.

Mason, Martin, McKay, R. McClellan, A. McClellan, Mr. CUSHING followed, in reply to Mr. LEGARE. He | McClure, McKim, Miller, Montgomery, Morgan, S. W. quoted Judges Story, Marshall, and other authorities, to Morris, Muhlenberg, Murray, Noble, Owens, Palmer, show that Treasury notes were bills of credit.

Parker, Parmenier, Paynter, Pennybacker, Petrikin, Phelps, Mr. FOSTER replied, arguing that I'reasury notes, to Plumer, Potter, Pratt, Prentiss, Reily, Rhett, Richardson, become bills of credit, must be issued as a circulating me- Rives, Sheffer, Sheplor, Snyder, Spencer, Stewart, Taydium. He denied that a high or low rate of interest lor, Thomas, Titus, Toucey, Towns, Turney, Vanderveer, altered the case. He argued at length against the amend Wagener, Webster, Weeks, T. T. Whittlesey, J. W. ment.

Williams, Worthington, and Yell-112. Mr. MENEFEE addressed the House at large, in an So the amendment moved by Mr. UNDERWOOD was eloquent and earnest speech, against the bill.

negatived. Mr. CUSHMAN terminated the discussion by calling Mr. RHETT then moved an amendment, the effect of for the previous question,

which would be, if agreed to, to make the bills payable The CHAIR stated that, if it should prevail, the main upon presentation," after the expiration of one year from question would be on the House bill as at first reported Jate, and to divest them of the character of interest-bearing from the Committee of Ways and Means. (Cutting off, of course, Mr. CAMBRELENG's amendment, which engrafted The House then, on motion of Mr. WILLIAMS, of the Senate's bill on the enacting clause of the House bill.]' N. C., at about half past nine, adjourned.


H. or R.]

Florida War.

(Oct. 7, 1837.

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Mr. GLASCOCK had inoved to amend the foregoing As soon as the journal was read,

resolution by striking out all after the word “resolved," Mr. J. Q. ADAMS rose and askel leave to make an

and inserting the following: explanation; and, by general consent, was allowed to

“ That a select committee be appointed to inquire into

the cause of the Florida war, and the causes of the extraIt would be recollected (he said) that he had, on the ordinary delays and failures, and the expenditures which preceding day, referred to the fate of propositions made at

have attended the prosecution of the same, and all the facts former sessions, to investigate alleged abuses in our Indian

connected with its history generally; and that said comaffairs, out of which the Creek and · Seminole wars had

mittee have power to send for persons and papers, except grown. With respect to one of these propositions, by the such persons as may be engaged at the time in the Florida gentleman from Alabama, he had stated that, after that gentleman had moved to refer the inquiry to a select com- The question immediately pending was the motion of mittee, a motion was made to refer it to the President of

Mr. HOWARD to strike out the words that a select comthe United States, which motion prevailed: and he had mittee be appointed,” and insert “ that the Committee on then inquired whether any report or message, in conse

Military Affairs be instructed.quence of that reference, had been sent by the President

Mr. McKAY had not intended taking any part in this of the United States to this House. The question (Mr.

debate, and would not now have done so, had it not been A. said)»he had asked, because he was ignorant whether

for the remarks of the gentleman, from Massachusetts, (Mr. such a report or message had been sent or not. He did ADAMS,] on yesterday, in relation to the composition of not assert that such a report had not been made, but he

the Committee on Military Affairs. The gentleman from had asked for information. To this inquiry he had receiv- Maryland, [Mr. HOWARD,)

who had made the proposition ed no answer; from which he inferred that no communi- to refer this subject to the Committee on Military Affairs, cation had been made to the House by the President upon

would do him the justice to say that the amendment was the subject. Afterward, however, he had been informed

moved without any consultation with him, and he presumthat a message had been sent to the House on the subjected

without any consultation with any member of the Milijust before the close of the last session of Congress, and

tary Committee. The gentleman from Massachusetts had been laid on the table and ordered to be printed. Not

(Mr. Adams) had objected to sending the inquiry to the having been printed before the close of the session, it had

Committee on Military Affairs, because eight of its memnot come 10 his knowledge. It was printed afterwards,

bers were friends of power, as he chose to designate them. and constituted No. 154 of the Executive Documents.

By this, however, he understood the gentleman as meanSince the adjournment last evening, he had seen it, and ing nothing offensive, but merely that eight of its memhad read as much of it as it was possible for him to read

bers were in favor of the administration, and but one opbetween ten o'clock last night and the meeting of the House posed it. Now he (Mr. McK.) believed it was well unthis morning; and, he must say, that a more heart-sick

derstood that this committee has had no connexion with ening document he had never read. It goes (said he) to

the politics of the country, as all that ever was required of prove to demonstration, if demonstration be required, the

it was, to look to the military affairs of the country, and necessity of a full investigation into these abuses; by the all subjects connected therewith. He had taken the trouorder of Congress. There were disclosures enough, even

ble to look into this matter, and see how this committee in this document, to make the blood tingle in the veins of had been made up for some years back, and would call the every man who read it.

attention of the House to the fact. Four years ago the Mr. A. said he had thought proper to make this expla- Military Committee was organized precisely as it is now. nation, because he was not willing that an impression When the distinguished gentleman from Virginia, who is should go abroad, from his statement, that the Executive now our Minister to England, occupied the Chair, this had not done its duty in reference to the vote of this House committee was made up in the same way, and it was preupon the subject. The Executive had acted upon the sub- cisely the same while the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. ject, it appeared, promptly ; had appointed two citizens, Bell) was presiding officer of the House. This commitMr. Crawford and Mr. Balch, commissioners for the pur

teo still stood, with reference to the administration, cight to pose, and authorized them to make the required investiga

one. During the second session of the twenty-third Con-' tions. These commissioners, acting under instructions gress, Mr. Vance, who is the present Governor of Ohio, from the Executive, had collected a vast deal of informa- was the only member on that committee opposed to the tion, contained in their report, which was, however, only administration ; and during the twenty-fourth Congress, a report in part, much remaining yet to be disclosed. As Mr. Bunch, of Tennessee, if he might be considered an far as he could judge, the trust reposed by the resolution opponent of the administration, was the only member on of this House had been faithfully performed, as well by that committee in the opposition. This he thought was a the Executive as by the individuals who acted as commis- sufficient answer to the objections of the gentleman from sioners hy his appointment.

Massachusetts on this point. Well, how was it with reIn justice to himself

, as well as to the Executive of the gard to other committees of this House ? He took it, if United States, Mr. A. said he made this explanation.

gentlemen would take the trouble to examine, that they FLORIDA WAR.

would find many of the committees with majorities opposed

to the administration. The committee of which the genThe House then proceeded to the unfinished business of tleman from Massachusetts is chairman, (the Committee the morning hour, which was the consideration of the fol- on Manufactures,) has a majority of its members opposed lowing resolution, submitted by Mr. Wise on the 19th to the administration. It was the same case with the Cominstant :

mittee of Claims. It was the same with all the principal Resolved, That a select committee be appointed by bal- committees on the expenditures of the Executive Deparllot to inquire into the cause of the Florida war, and into

The committees on the expenditures of the War the causes of the delays and failures, and the expenditures Department, the Navy Department, and the Post Office which have attended the prosecution of that war, and into Department, had all majorities opposed to the administrathe manner of its conduct, and the facts of its history gen- tion. With regard to the Committee on Military Affairs erally; that the said committee have power to send for being composed of eight friends of the administration, and persons and papers, and that it have power to sit in the one member of the opposition, he presumed it was alrecess, and that it make report to the next session of together accidental. He observed it was in accordance Congress.”

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Oct. 7, 1837.)

Treasury Notes.

[H. OF R.

with the previous practice of the House, as it was precise- the Secretary of War on the suliject; on the 27th, an adly in the same situation in which it had been in for the ditional report ; and on the 31 of June, a supplemental relast four years, and he had never before heard any com- port on the same subject; therefore, there were three replaint in relation to it. But the gentleman from Massa- ports made in answer to this resolution, giving all the inchusetts had urged another objection against this commit- formation in relation to the causes of the war and the tee, and that objection was, that there were eight of its means taken to suppress Indian hostilities. members taken from the Southern States, and only one Mr. WISE said he knew that this report did not contain left to take charge of the peculiar interests of the Northern all the information in possession of the Department. He States. Now, if the gentleman would look into the organi- would not say by what authority he knew this; but the zation of the other committees, he would find the same ob- late Secretary of War himself knew by what authority he jections to lie against them.

(Mr. WISE) knew that he did not communicate to this How is it with the Committee of Ways and Means ? House all the information in his possession. Out of the nine members of that committee, there was only Mr. McKAY resumed. That did not affect what he one member, the gentleman from Obio, (Mr. HAMER,? to was going to say. The gentleman says all the informatake care of the interests of the whole valley of the Missis- tion was not communicated. That was extraordinary. sippi and Ohio. How is it with regard to the committee He did not pretend to say that the gentleman had not good of which the gentleman from Massachusetts himself is grounds for making the assertion; but let us look to the chairman, the Committee on Manufactures--a committee terms of the resolution. They were, that the President be whose measures affect all branches of industry in the coun- requested to communicate all the measures taken for the try? Seven of its members live in the Northern States, suppression of Indian hostilities, and all the information and four of that seven in the New England States, while relative to the causes of those hostilities. Now, if what the whole of the Southern States had but one person on it was stated by the gentleman from Virginia was true, it to represent their interests. How is it with regard to the would form a grave matter of inquiry for the House to take Committee on Naval Affairs and the Committee on Com- notice of, and it would be called upon to institute some inmerce? The Western States have not a single member quiry into the conduct of the late Secretary of War in conon the Committee on Naval Affairs or the Committee on sequence of this dereliction of duty. But, would the House Commerce to represent their interests.

suppose that the Secretary was so very regardless of his But, could not the gentleman from Massachusetts see official duty as not to comply with the order of the House, the fallacy of these objections ? There were only nine requiring him to communicate all the information in regard members on each committee, and there were twenty-six to the causes of this war ? States in the Union; so that it was a natural consequence Mr. WISE said he would now state by what authority that at least seventeen States must be unrepresented on he spoke. Sir, (said Mr. W.,) the Secretary of War, each committee. There was, therefore, nothing in the ob- , unless his messenger told a falsehood, did, before he anjection. He would next call the attention of the gentle- swered that very call, send a gentleman to me with certain man to the Committee on Roads and Canals-a committee papers marked confidential. They were submitted to me, so intimately connected with the great question of inter- and I know it upon this information. I read them, and nal improvements. That committee stands seven to two, the question was put to me, “ Do you want these papers ?" and only one of its number to take care of the interests of My reply was, that I wanted all relating to the subject. the ten States in the South and Southwest. That com- Mr. McKAY rose to resume; when, mittee, too, stands, in regard to the administration, in pre- On motion of Mr. CAMBRELENG, the House procisely the same situation as the Committee on Military | ceeded to the orders of the day. Affairs.

TREASURY NOTE BILL. The gentleman from Massachusetts, on yesterday, said that, during the last long session of Congress, a resolution The House then resumed the consideration of the "bill was adopted calling on the late President of the United to authorize the issuing of Treasury notes,” being the subStates to lay before Congress a statement in relation to the stitute reported from the Committee of the Whole. late Creek war, and that no answer was returned by the The question being on an amendment to the amendment President. On this morning, however, the gentleman had proposed by Mr. RHETTcorrected this statement, but had again fallen into an error. Mr. RHETT modified his amendment so as to declare The gentleman had said that the resolution was answered that the faith of the United States was pledged for the payby the President within a day or two of the end of the ses. ment of the notes, on presentation, at six months after sion. Now, if the gentleman would consult the journal, their dates, respectively. he will find that this communication was sent in on the Mr. BELL rose and said: It had been his wish to sub14th day of February ; that it was only a report in part; mit his views upon this important subject while the bill and that the commissioners appointed by the President to was in committee, but he had been prevented by indisposimake the necessary examinations were engaged in the fur- tion; he did now intend to extend his remarks as far as ther prosecution of the inquiry; and Mr. McK. understood he had designed to do, if time had permitted. The objecthat they were now in this city preparing a report, to be tions to this measure, (said Mr. B.,) are in my mind great laid before Congress at its next regular session.

and insuperable. It may possibly be that I am misled by The resolution offered by the gentleman from Virginia suspicions, and that I may mistake the object of the bill, [Mr. WISE) proposes an inquiry into the causes of delay and do gross injustice to the intentions of the administraand expenditure in the prosecution of the Florida war. tion in pressing it upon Congress, but I must say, in my Now, that gentleman will recollect that, during a former own vindication, that if I should be mistaken, my suspiCongress, he submitted a resolution calling for information cions are honestly and sincerely entertained. In ordinary from the departments relative to this identical subject. On times, and under ordinary circumstances, I could always the 22d of May, it would be found, by referring to the find some clew to ihe real object of a measure; now no journals, that a resolution was adopted, on motion of the light comes from any quarter to direct my course. I gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. WISE,) calling on the might, and I did cxpect some light to spring up from the President to communicate to the House all measures taken discussion of this question, but neither from the spirit nor to suppress Indian hostilities in Florida, and also to com- matter of the past discussion can I gather any thing satismunicate the causes of such hostilities. It would also be factory. If I look to the votes of honorable members I am found that on the 26th the President sent a report from 'still left in the dark. It is well known that there is a re

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