CA. VI.] UNITED STATES BANK NOT RECHARTERED. question was taken on the 20th of February, and resulted in a tie vote, of seventeen to seventeen; Messrs. Lloyd, Pickering, and Brent voting, in opposition to the instructions of the legislatures of Massachusetts and Virginia, in favor of the bill. The Senate being thus equally divided, the vice-president, George Clinton, alleging, as the ground of his course, the want of power in Congress to establish a national bank, gave the casting vote for striking out the first section of the bill. This result was brought about in a measure, by strong party feeling. A violent prejudice existed in the public mind against the bank, and with many it was sufficient to condemn it, that it had originally been chartered by the federalists. The press was vigorous and unmeasured in its assaults, 1811. upon and fearful abuse was heaped the democratic members of Congress who favored the continuance of the bank. "The influence of state banks was also," as Pitkin observes, "brought to bear on the great question then before Congress; and when it is considered, that the number of those banks had, at that time, increased to nearly ninety, located in most of the states, with a capital of more than $50,000,000, their influence could have had no inconsiderable weight. With this union of ideas and interests against the bank, it is not strange that the charter granting it should be suffered to expire." Mr. Gallatin, in his response to the call of the Senate committee, had stated, that unless the charter were renewed, government must resort to the state banks, and that he could but prefer for VOL. III.-17 129 its monetary transactions, such a cur- in which various measures were proposed against Great Britain and France. The sittings were often protracted beyond midnight, and not only the members of Congress, but the whole country took a deep interest in the result. The vacillating and insidious course of the French government, and the persistency of England in enforcing her lawless edicts and regulations against the commerce of the United States, kept alive the irritation and excitement in the community, and greatly aggravated the violence of party assaults and recriminations. As having reference to the appeal to arms, which many saw clearly must be made soon, the president was authorized to negotiate a loan of $5,000,000; and it was felt quite generally, that all further expedients would prove inefficient. On the 27th of February, Mr. Joel Barrow was appointed minister to France, in place of General Armstrong, who had been recalled at his own request. In England, the interests of our country were entrusted to Jonathan Russell, as chargé d'affaires, Mr. Pinkney, as above stated, having returned to the United States. Both these gentlemen labored diligently, but, we are sorry to say, with very little success in endeavoring to obtain justice and right from the governments to which they were accredited.* and well founded anxiety was felt in every direction, as to what next should be done in the then position of affairs. Soon after, a rencontre happened on the water, which roused the feelings of the people to a high pitch of patriotism and eagerness for battle with England. Ever since the disgraceful attack on the Chesapeake, the officers of the navy seem to have longed for an op- 1811 portunity of wiping out what they considered the stigma on the service by that affair, and the whole maritime force of the nation was kept at home. The English, says Cooper, "increased their cruisers on the American coast, in proportion as the Americans themselves did, though their vessels no longer lay off the harbors, impressing men and detaining ships. It was sel dom that a British cruiser was now seen near the land, the government probably cautioning its commanders to avoid unnecessary exhibitions of this sort, with a view to prevent collisions. Still they were numerous; cruised at no great distance: and by keeping up constant communications between Bermuda and Halifax, may be said to have intercepted nearly every ship that passed from one hemisphere to the other." It was early in May, when word was brought to Commodore Rodgers, on board the President, forty-four, 1811. that a man had been impressed from an American brig by an English vessel of war, off Sandy Hook. The President was promptly put in readiness to inquire into the facts, and on following result: number of free whites, 5,862,073; the 16th of May, at noon, made a sail, Congress terminated its busy session on the 3d of March, 1811; and great *The third census of the United States gave the number of slaves, 1,191,364; all others, except Indians not taxed, 186,377; making a total population of 7,239,814. about six leagues from the land, to the southward of New York. It was soon CH. VI.] THE PRESIDENT AND THE LITTLE BELT. perceived, by the squareness of her yards and the symmetry of her build, that she was a vessel of war; and the American frigate stood for her, with the intention to get within hail. At two, P. M., the President set her broad pennant and ensign. The stranger now made several signals, but finding they were not answered, he wore and stood to southward. Chase was given directly, and between seven and eight in the evening, the President, bringing up on the weather bow of the stranger, hailed, "What ship is that?" The English vessel, which had the appearance of a small frigate, did not answer, but hailed in return. After a short pause, a second hail was given, when the strange vessel fired a gun, which entered the main-mast of the President. Of course this led to firing in return, and the comparative strength of the two ships was speedily tested. The President's antagonist was crippled very soon, and then condescended to answer the hail which was renewed. "Satisfied that his late opponent was disabled, and having no desire to do more than was already accomplished, Commodore Rodgers gave the name of his own ship, wore round, and running a short distance to leeward, he hauled by the wind again, with a view to remain nigh the English vessel during the night. The President kept lights displayed, in order to let her late antagonist know her position, and wore several times to remain near her." At the dawn of day, the President sent a boat, with the first lieutenant, to offer services, if any were required. The stranger proved to be his Britannic 131 majesty's ship, Little Belt, eighteen, Captain Bingham. She had suffered severely, thirty-one being killed and wounded; the President, on the other hand, had received no injury, and only one of the crew, a boy, was wounded. The Little Belt declining all assistance, the ships parted company, and returned to their respective harbors. Mr. Cooper enlarges upon this occurrence, its merits, the feeling which was aroused, etc. The English asserted that the President was the aggressor; but it seems to us clearly established, that the Little Belt fired first, and persisted in the unequal contest. Captain Bingham's account was generally accredited in England, and it served to increase the ill-feeling that was already very strong. At home, Commodore Rodgers was sharply censured by a considerable party, and his reputation suffered, from this cause, no doubt, very serious injury.* 1811. Our naval historian relates another incident which is worth quoting here, as illustrating the state of feeling in the service at the time. "Not long after the meeting between the President and the Little Belt, the United States, forty-four, bearing the broad pennant of Commodore Decatur, fell in with the Eurydice and Atalanta, British ships, off New York; and while the commanders were hailing, one of the seamen of the former vessel, (United States,) in carelessly * Cooper's "Naval History," vol. ii., pp. 26-35. Mr. C. discusses quite fully the "general principles" involved in the case of the President and the Little Belt. His remarks are well worthy examination. handling the lanyard of his lock, fired a gun.* The reader will learn in this fact, the high state of preparation that then prevailed in an American man-ofwar; the lock having been cocked, and every thing in perfect readiness to commence an action at a moment's notice. Happily both parties were cool and discreet, and proper explanations having been made, the English commander was entirely satisfied that no insult or assault was intended." Mr. Foster, the newly appointed British minister, arrived in the United States, in June, and speedily entered upon his duties. Long and important correspondence ensued, in which it was evident that Great Britain was not yet prepared to recede from the stand she had taken, and deal justly and rightly with America. Reparation was offered for the attack on the Chesapeake, by which the act was to be formally disavowed, the men taken from the ship were to be restored again, and pecuniary provision was to be made for the families of the killed or wounded. After some delay, the proposal was agreed to. But with respect to the vital questions which sprang out of the orders in council, and the claim to impressment, Mr. Foster was not at liberty, even if disposed, to afford satisfaction. These odious and insulting orders and claims continued to be enforced, and the nation was rapidly verg * This, says Mr. Cooper, was the excuse of the man. Commodore Decatur believed that the gun was fired intentionally by its captain, with a view to bring on an engagement. So strong was the feeling of the seamen of the day, that such an occurrence is highly probable. ing to the point of armed resistance against England. Dispatches from abroad showed, that not less than twenty-six vessels had been condemned in the court of admiralty, and that others were about to share the same fate. All the evils of war nearly, had already fallen upon the United States; while England was enjoying the advantages of war, without the cost. In fact, as it was estimated, her cruisers had captured nine hundred American vessels, since the year 1803. "She had, at this epoch," as Mr. Dallas forcibly states in his Exposition, "impressed from the crews of American merchant vessels, peaceably navigating the high seas, not less than six thousand mariners, who claimed to be citizens of the United States, and who were denied all opportunity to verify their claims. She had seized and confiscated the commercial property of American citizens to an incalculable amount. She had united in the enor mities of France to declare a great proportion of the terraqueous globe in a state of blockade; chasing the American merchant flag effectually from the ocean. She had contemptuously disregarded the neutrality of the American territory, and the jurisdiction of the American laws, within the waters and harbors of the United States. She was enjoying the emoluments of a surreptitious trade, stained with every species of fraud and corruption, which gave to the belligerent powers the advantages of peace while the neutral powers were involved in the evils of war. She had, in short, usurped and exercised on the water, a tyranny similar to that which her great antagonist had usurped and |