Slike strani
PDF
ePub

in vain," says Mr. Gleig, "that the most obstinate courage was displayed. They fell by the hands of men whom they absolutely did not see; for the Americans, without so much as lifting their faces above the rampart, swung their firelocks by one arm over the wall, and discharged them directly upon their heads. The whole of the guns, likewise, from the opposite bank, kept up a well directed and deadly cannonade upon the flank; and thus were they destroyed without an opportunity being given of displaying their valor, or obtaining so much as revenge."*

No wonder, that the British column, despite its brave and gallant advance, found it impossible to endure such a fire as met them, and slaughtered them by hundreds at a time. Shattered and disordered, they broke and fled. Pakenham, whose personal courage was inferior to that of none of his compeers, passionately endeavored to rally the panic-stricken and disheartened troops. Waving his hat, and calling on them to follow, he reached the edge of the ditch, -but only to fall dead in front of his Generals Gibbs and Keane succeeded in bringing the troops a second time to the charge; but the second approach was more fatal than the first.

men.

*"The Campaigns of the British Army at Washington and New Orleans," p. 179. British writers, we may mention, condemn the course of Pakenham as being "a series,-not of mistakes, (for that word implies the possession of some generalship, however defective,)-but of glaring proofs of the absence of every intellectual quality that enters into the composition of a military leader." Truly, hard measure for those who, like the British general, poured out their life's blood in the vain effort to gain possession of the wealth and resources of New Orleans.

The continued roll of the American fire resembled peals of thunder; it was such as no troops could withstand. The advancing columns again broke; a few platoons reaching the edge of the ditch, only to meet certain destruction. An attempt was made, by their officers, to lead them to the attack a third time, but entirely without success. Generals Gibbs and Keane were carried from the field, the latter severely, the former mortally wounded. The narrow field of strife between the British and the American lines was strewed with the dead. So dreadful a carnage, considering the length of time and the numbers engaged, has seldom been recorded; for there, on that bloodstained field, lay two thousand men in dead and wounded; while of our countrymen, who dealt such terrible destruction to the invaders from behind those ramparts, there were only six killed, and seven wounded.* General Lam

1815.

* On former occasions, we have called attention to the discrepancies in the accounts of the number of troops engaged, the killed and wounded, etc., in the various battles fought during this second war with England. We have to repeat the same remark in regard to the battle of New Orleans, with the additional

perplexity, that the statements made by different writers vary by thousands instead of hundreds. The numbers given in the text appear to us as nearly correct as we can get them; we may mention, in conclusion, however, that the American statement of the loss in the several engagements, is, fifty-five killed, one hundred and eighty-five wounded, and ninety-three missing; making a total of three hundred and thirty-three; the troops engaged in the battle of the 8th of January, numbered four thousand six hundred and ninety-eight. American authorities also state, in regard to the enemy, that on the 6th of January, their forces amounted to nine thousand; after that date, to twelve thousand; and that their loss in killed, wounded, and missing, was over four thousand five hundred. On the other

CH. XIII.]

RETREAT OF THE BRITISH.

bert, upon whom the command now devolved, finding that it was impossible to restore the fortunes of the day, withdrew his reserve from the reach of the American artillery, and collected the wreck of the routed army. He also recalled Colonel Thornton from the other side of the river, deeming it impossible to hold that post, after the disasters to which the army had been subjected on the plains of Chalmette.

A flag of truce was dispatched by the British commander, with proposals for the burial of the dead; and a truce of two days was arranged for that purpose. Despairing of success in the object of his expedition, Lambert took immediate measures to effect a retreat from his perilous position. With great secrecy, but keeping up a menacing attitude, meanwhile, the British, during a number of days following the expiration of the truce, sent their sick and wounded on board the vessels, together with baggage and ammunition, such as could safely be spared. In the dark, through the swamps, amongst alligators, and along causeways, well nigh impassable because of the rain, the disheartened invaders shrank away; while the Americans, on their part, kept throwing shot of every kind, by night and day, into the quagmire where the enemy had sheltered himself. The whole of the field artillery, most of the ammunition, and all

hand, British writers assert, that General Jackson must have had at least twelve thousand men under him, while their effective force was less than half that number. They also state, that their total loss in this whole expedition, was four hundred killed, and less than sixteen

285

the stores of the invading force, were carried away on their retreat; except the siege artillery, which was already in part destroyed, and some powder barrels and piles of shot left in the useless batteries. Only eighty of the wounded were left, with an appeal to the humanity of the foe, which appeal, it is hardly necessary to say, was religiously respected by the victors.

While these operations were in progress near New Orleans, the British fleet on the coast was not inactive. It was intended that a squadron should enter the Mississippi, and, reducing the works at Fort St. Philip, ascend the river, and co-operate in the attack on the city. The bombardment of the fort commenced on the 11th of January, and was continued with more or less activity for eight days. At the end of this time, the enemy, finding they had made no serious impression, dropped down the river, and put to sea. The fort was garrisoned and bravely maintained by three hundred and sixty-six men under the command of Major Overton.

1815.

When the purpose of the enemy was fully understood, some efforts were made to annoy him on the retreat; but not to any great extent. The British troops, as Alison states, were safely reembarked on the 27th of January, and soon after were in some degree comforted for their disasters, by the capture of Fort Bowyer, near Mobile, commanding one of the mouths of the Mississippi, before which they had been so signally repulsed, in the preceding September, as we have related, but

hundred wounded and missing. These discrepancies which yielded, with its garrison of three hundred and sixty men, and twenty-two

are probably irreconcileable.

guns, to a combined attack of the land and sea forces, on the 12th of February. General Winchester was in command at Mobile at the time, and he was much censured in consequence of the loss of this fort.

Our limits do not admit of entering into details respecting the intestine difficulties and trials which followed Jackson's victory at New Orleans. His unyielding enforcement of the martial law; his ordering the French subjects in the city to retire into the interior; his arresting Mr. Louallier, a member of the legislature, as a spy, and then Judge Hall, who ventured to issue a writ of habeas corpus, on the charge of aiding, abetting, and exciting mutiny in his camp; his refusing to recognize the peace till officially proclaimed; his conduct when summoned before the court; his being fined and paying a fine of $1,000; the popular excitement in consequence; these, and the like, are worthy the reader's examination, and will afford him food for profitable reflection. The local histories, and the biography of General Jackson, will furnish the amplest materials for attaining a right judgment respecting the points under consideration.

While these important operations were in progress at the south, the close of the year 1814, in New England, il

* In the year 1843, a movement was made in Con

gress, for refunding this fine, principal and interest; and it was carried by a vote of twenty-eight to twenty in the Senate, and a hundred and fifty-eight to twentyeight in the House. See Ingersoll, (who made the mo

tion in the House,) vol. ii., pp. 242-62, second series;

and Benton's "Thirty Years' View,” vol. ii., pp. 499– 502.

lustrated very forcibly the strength and tenacity of the opposition which had all along been manifested to the war, in that section of our country. As we have stated several times already, the people of New England, as a body, looked with no favor upon the war, and were not disposed to yield it any coun tenance or support. They felt keenly the burden imposed upon them by the ruin of their commerce, the disorganized currency, the destruction of their resources, the inroads of the enemy, and the like; and when Monroe proposed the "conscription" system, as it was denominated, (p. 262,) and the British threatened to carry fire and sword into every town, and village, and hamlet, which was accessible to their ships and boats, it need cause no surprise that a popular excitement arose, and that it was thought necessary for the New England maritime states to consult upon measures absolutely called for, as they thought, by the perilous emergency.

1814.

When the legislature of Massachusetts assembled in the summer of 1814, this subject came up for discussion and action, and it was agreed, that delegates from the several states should be invited to assemble at Hartford, on the 15th day of December following, to take into consideration the state of the country, and to report to the legislatures of their respective states, such lead to a redress of grievances. Conmeasures, as in their judgment, might necticut and Rhode Island responded heartily to this invitation, and by considerable majorities in their legislatures, deputed delegates to meet those of

1

THE HARTFORD CONVENTION.

CH. XIII.]
Massachusetts. New Hampshire and
New Hampshire and
Vermont, by local conventions, also sent
delegates to Hartford.

287

make war; the exclusion of foreigners, hereafter arriving in the United States, from the capacity of holding office under the government; and lastly, the limitation of the presidency to a single constitutional term, and the forbidding the election of president from the same

On the day appointed, the members assembled; twelve from Massachusetts, seven from Connecticut, four from Rhode Island, two from New Hampshire, and one from Vermont,-twenty-state two terms in succession. six in all. George Cabot, Nathan Dane, Roger Sherman, Harrison Gray Otis, and men of the like stamp, were among the delegates. Cabot was chosen president, and Theodore Dwight secretary. For three weeks, with closed doors, the convention was occupied in its work; and the result of their consultations and labors we have in the lengthy report, the resolutions, and the secret journal of the convention, which have been published in a large volume, with much other matter, by Mr. Dwight, the secretary. The manifesto or report is quite too long to be quoted on our pages: the reader who wishes to see in full what were the grievances complained of, the motives and reasons for the resolutions which were passed, and the amendments which were proposed to be made to the Federal Constitution, must consult the documents just named.

In substance, we may mention, the amendments proposed, were such as these: the withdrawal of the right to reckon slaves, in any ratio, amongst the population in the apportionment of Representatives; the restriction of the constitutional power of Congress to ad

mit new states into the Union 1815. the limitation of the power of Congress in relation to embargo, and the restriction of commerce; the restriction of the power of Congress to

[ocr errors]

Having made provision for summoning another convention at Boston, if necessary, the present assemblage adjourned, sine die, on the 5th of January. Its resolutions, after being discussed by the legislatures of Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Rhode Island, formed the subject of communications to Congress, by commissioners, from the two first-named states. But before these commissioners could accomplish their purpose, tidings of the victory at New Orleans, and of the peace concluded at Ghent, ere that crowning triumph had been achieved, together with the unfavorable reception of them at every place out of New England, discouraged any attempt to carry out the objects of the convention to the letter; and, as it appears, they returned home, to bear the stigma of having undertaken to accomplish ends which no patriot and true American can ever sanction.

Into the question of the measure of censure justly resting upon the Hartford conventionists, it is not material or necessary to enter. Whether they were traitors, and deserved the punishment of traitors, or whether they were high souled and pure patriots, consulting only for the good and prosperity of the Union, we need not discuss. Both views have their advocates, and the student of history, having weighed

1814.

icans, by reason of their remoteness from home, were under the necessity of deciding upon the spot, and on their own responsibility, all the questions which arose. Notwithstanding this great disadvantage, however, the credit of the United States was not diminish

Ghent; and we owe it to Mr. Clay and his able coadjutors, that the negotiations finally reached the result which was attained.

After long delays and protracted discussions, concessions having been made on both sides, and the subject of impressment having been dropped, the

treaty was concluded on the 1814.

carefully all the evidence which exists respecting their plans, purposes, and views, as well as their acts, will be able to judge for himself of the rank which this convention ought to hold in the estimation of every citizen of our glorious Union.* The British government having ap-ed by the conduct of their envoys at pointed Lord Gambier, Henry Goulburn and William Adams, commissioners to negotiate a peace with the United States, they proceeded to Ghent, early in August, and entered at once into the subject in hand, with Messrs. Adams, Clay, Bayard, Gallatin, and Russell. (See pp. 225, 260.) The proceedings were, as is commonly the case, and especially in circumstances like those under which these commissioners met, tedious enough. More than once, the negotiations seemed upon the very verge of being broken off. The demands put forward by the British commissioners were undoubtedly unreasonable and exorbitant, whilst the resistance offered to them by the Americans not unnaturally appeared to the others somewhat presumptuous and vexatious. At every difference which arose between them, the British commissioners were able to consult their government without delay, and to act upon instructions adapted almost to the daily changes in the aspect of affairs; but the Amer

*For Mr. Ingersoll's sharp and condemnatory account of the "Hartford Convention," the measures taken by the government in sending Colonel Jessup to that city, to watch and report upon its movements, the odium which was cast upon the convention by John

Quincy Adams, etc., see "History of the Second War,"

vol. ii., pp. 216–48. See also Holmes's "Annals," vol. fi, pp. 467–69.

24th of December, and imme-
diately transmitted to London and
Washington. It was duly ratified and
confirmed on the 17th of February,
1815, and the next day was publicly
proclaimed by the authority of the
president.

In the uncertainty which existed respecting the final result of the negotiations at Ghent, Congress (p. 261,) did not dare to relax its active exertions in providing for the prosecution of the war. Mr. Dallas, secretary of the treasury, presented with the new year, 1815, a sad picture of the financial distress of the Union, and proposed new taxes to supply the increasing deficit of ways and means, which made the payment of so much as the interest of the loans impossible. A new flood of treasury notes was to be emitted on the country, already inundated with that depreciated paper. Yet, the national legislature did not shrink from the measures which seemed to be requisite. Acts were

« PrejšnjaNaprej »