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in Georgia were ceded to the United States, and the government agreed to pay them $217,600, to be divided among their chiefs and warriors, and also to pay a perpetual annuity of $20,000. M'Intosh's friends and followers being willing to emigrate, were to do so within two years, and the United States were to defray the expense of their removal. They were also to be paid $100,000, and to be paid for their improvements. The remaining lands of the Creeks in Georgia were afterwards purchased by the United States for $30,000, and the House, by a very large vote, agreed to appropriate $60,000 for the proposed emigration of a part of the Creeks.

1826.

Towards the close of the session, Mr. Macon offered a resolution in the Senate, in respect to the expediency of reducing the patronage of the executive. No fewer than six bills were reported by the committee, to which the question was referred, as the foundation of a system to be followed up hereafter. But although unusual means were adopted to excite public opinion upon this subject, the matter remained in its first stage to the end of the session, and expired with the rest of the unfinished business.

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1819, to correct this state of things, by the introduction of a bill to establish the system of circuit courts throughout the United States; another of the same kind, for increasing the number of judges of the supreme court, was made in the first session of the eighteenth Congress; but nothing had been done. Daniel Webster, therefore, now, as chairman of a committee on the judiciary, introduced a bill, which provided for the creation of three additional associate judges to those at present existing, and an entire re-arrangement of the circuits of the west. Great opposition was made to the passage of this bill. Some opposed it on the ground that it would render the bench of the supreme court too numerous, and thus diminish the responsibility, and impair the usefulness of the several judges. Others objected to the introduction of so many judges, at one time, from the west. The bill finally passed the House by a considerable majority; but having been much modified in the Senate, a difference arose between the two branches of the legislature, and in spite of the efforts made to effect an understanding, the bill was lost.

Congress was now, in general, as it seemed, favorable to measures of interNotwithstanding the vast increase in nal improvement; and a number of apthe population of the west, no modifica-propriations, having this object in view, tion had been made in the arrangement were made during the present session. of the judiciary department, since 1807, With the details we are not at present when Ohio, Kentucky, and Tennessee, concerned; but we may observe, that had been formed into a circuit. The the execution of several plans result had been of late years to cause was intrusted to the war degreat delay in administering justice, partment. The usual appropriations and great dissatisfaction to the parties for carrying on the government, etc, concerned. An attempt was made, in according to the president's programme

1826.

of business, were made; but the opposition contrived to delay a bill, by which provision was to be made for the survivors of the army of the Revolution, until there was not sufficient time for it to become a law. The condition of the finances could not be appealed to, as an objection to this appropriation; and its failure seems to show, that the opposition were resolved to leave no course untried in order to thwart the wishes and measures of the administration.

On the 22d of May, Congress adjourned to meet again on the first Monday in December.

The present year was memorable in our annals, for the removal by death of two of those distinguished men, who had taken part in the glorious struggle for liberty, and had served in the highest office which a grateful country can entrust to any of her sons. And what rendered the event more striking was, that Thomas Jefferson and John Adams, the one by whose pen the Declaration of Independence was prepared, the other by whose powerful voice it was advocated and urged in the Continental Congress, both died on the same day, and that day the fiftieth anniversary of our national independence. The 4th of July, 1826, was indeed a day to be remembered. No wonder that the whole nation was roused, and that the occasion was embraced by the first men of the country, to dilate upon the wonderful events which the last half century had witnessed. Our limits do not admit of details respecting the honors heaped upon the memories of Adams and Jefferson; yet we cannot forbear a brief quotation from the glowing eulogy

on these two patriots of our early history, which Daniel Webster delivered at Boston, on the 2d of August, 1826.*

"No men, fellow-citizens," said the eloquent speaker, "ever served their country with more entire exemption from every imputation of selfish and mercenary motives, than those to whose memory we are paying these proofs of respect. A suspicion of any disposition to enrich themselves, or to profit by their public employments, never rested on either. No sordid motive approached them. The inheritance which they have left to their children, is of their character and fame. Fellow-citizens, I will detain you no longer by this faint and feeble tribute to the memory of the illustrious dead. Even in other hands, adequate justice could not be performed, within the limits of this occasion. Their highest, their best praise, is your deep conviction of their merits, your affectionate gratitude for their la bors and services. It is not my voice, it is this cessation of ordinary pursuits, this arresting of all attention, these solemn ceremonies, and this crowded house, which speak their eulogy. Their fame, indeed, is safe. That is now treas ured up, beyond the reach of accident

"The striking attitude, too, in which we stand to the world around us, a topic to which, I fear, I advert too

* William Wirt also delivered an elaborate and elo

quent discourse on the lives and characters of Jefferson and Adams, at the request of the citizens of Washing

ton, in the Hall of Representatives, on the 19th of October, 1826. See Moore's "American Eloquence," vol. ii., pp. 443-60.

CH. V.]

1826.

JOHN ADAMS AND THOMAS JEFFERSON.

often, and dwell on too long, cannot be altogether omitted here. Neither individuals nor nations can perform their part well, until they understand and feel its importance, and comprehend and justly appreciate all the duties belonging to it. It is not to inflate national vanity, nor to swell a light and empty feeling of self-importance; but it is that we may judge justly of our situation, and of our duties, that I earnestly urge this consideration of our position, and our character, among the nations of the earth. It cannot be denied, but by those who would dispute against the sun, that with America, and in America, a new era commences in human affairs. This era is distinguished by free representative governments, by entire religious liberty, by improved systems of national intercourse, by a newly awakened and an unconquerable spirit of free inquiry, and by a diffusion of knowledge through the community, such as has been before altogether unknown and unheard of. America, America, our country, fellowcitizens, our own dear and native land, is inseparably connected, fast bound up, in fortune and by fate, with these great interests. If they fall, we fall with them; if they stand, it will be because we have upholden them. Let us contemplate, then, this connection, which binds the prosperity of others to our own; and let us manfully discharge all the duties which it imposes. If we cherish the virtues and the principles of our fathers, Heaven will assist us to carry on the work of human liberty and human happiness. Auspicious omens cheer us. Great examples are before us. Our

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own firmament now shines brightly upon our path. WASHINGTON is in the clear upper sky. Those other stars have now joined the American constellation; they circle round their centre, and the heavens beam with new light. Beneath this illumination, let us walk the course of life, and at its close devoutly commend our beloved country, the common parent of us all, to the Divine Benignity."

During the recess of Congress, a convention of amity, commerce, and navigation, was concluded at Washington with Central America, on terms which were regarded as both liberal and reciprocal. The treaty was to continue in force for twelve years, and was ratified by the president on the 28th of October.*

The second session of the nineteenth Congress commenced on the 4th of December, and the second annual message of the president, was transmitted to the House on the same day. Foreign affairs were represented as, on the whole in a favorable condition, as respects France, the Netherlands, Denmark, etc. With Great Britain, however, as well as France, various and important topics were, as yet, unsettled. In regard to the financial affairs of the Union, the president informed Congress, that although the revenue of the preceding year had not equalled the anticipated amount, above $7,000,000 had been

* In the autumn of 1826, the abduction of Morgan took place, and gave rise to the anti-masonic excitement, and the measures resulting therefrom. For some three or four years, the masonic fraternity was freely denounced, and numerous politicians made use of this

topic, as a means of advancing ends in which they had

an interest.

1826.

applied to the reduction of the public debt, and nearly $4,000,000 to the payment of interest. thereon; and the balance in the treasury at the close of the year, was expected to be $1,200,000. The prospects for the coming year were represented as more favorable. Amongst the recommendations, which were few in number, and did not include any of those contained in the former message, to which so little attention had been paid, the principal that we find, are a plan for the gradual increase of the navy, and the performance of certain works of internal improvement.

Another attempt was now made, to introduce a uniform system of bankruptcy, but ineffectually, the majority asserting, that though such a law would benefit the wealthy merchants of the Atlantic seaports, the rest of the community would receive from it nothing but harm. A bill for the increase of the duties on imported woolen goods, the design of which was to promote American manufactures by the operation of protection, was introduced early, and passed the House of Representatives; but it failed in the Senate, being thrown out by the casting vote of the vice-president. Various grants, and appropriations for the promotion of internal improvements, were made in compliance with the president's recommendation. The sum of $500,000 yearly, was also granted for six years, for the gradual improvement of the navy. The proposal to bestow pensions upon the Revolutionary survivors did not meet with the success which it merited. The subject of British colonial trade also

1827

occupied the attention of both Houses; and bills were prepared in order to effect a mutually satisfactory arrangement; but no result followed; the matter was left unsettled. The truth seems to have been, that the spirit of party was so strong, that although there was a great deal of talk, there was very little work done. The session closed on the 3d of March, 1827, with a large amount of public business unfinished.*

Great excitement arose after the adjournment of Congress, in consequence of the story being revived which charged Mr. Clay with corruption and bargaining, in respect to the election of Mr. Adams; and the opposition, now thoroughly organized, used this potent weapon with great force, to the injury of the administration, and the advanc ing the claims of Andrew Jackson, on whom, as we have previously stated, (p. 353,) the democratic party now united their strength. Into the particulars of this "great conspiracy," as Mr. Clay's friends termed it, we need not now enter. General Jackson was prominent in setting the charge afloat, in a letter which he addressed to Mr. Carter Beverley, of Virginia, and when called on for authority, named Mr. Buchanan, (now, in 1857, president of the United States,) as the "member of Congress, of high respectability," who had approached him with propositions on the subject of Mr. Clay's being made

*Certain charges of corruption against Mr. Calhoun, while he was secretary of war, were investigated by a committee of the House at his request; and Elijah Mix and "the Rip Rap Contract" were disposed of, and the vice-president entirely exculpated from censure.

CH. V.]

THE TWENTIETH CONGRESS.

secretary of state, in case he would give his influence for Jackson's election. When Mr. Buchanan's letter on the subject was published, it soon became evident to all candid men, that Mr. Clay had been belied, and that there was no real foundation for the atrocious charge which had been so freely circulated respecting him. Yet, as falsehood nearly always gets sufficient start of truth to accomplish the purposes of those who are willing to use it, so in this case, the administration suffered grievously from the attacks of those who rang the changes on corruption, bargaining, bribery, and the like, and, as we have before pointed out, Mr. Clay's political prospects were virtually blasted.*

The elections for members of Congress were carried on during the course of this fierce political warfare; and, as might have been expected, the result showed, that the opposition had gained strength in both Houses. In 1827. the Senate, at this date, were Webster, Hayne, Woodbury, Tyler, Harrison, Van Buren, Benton, and others; while in the House, we find among its numerous members, such men as Buchanan, Everett, Dwight, Cambreling, Rives, Polk, M'Duffie, Stevenson, Livingston, etc. Under the existing state of things, the prospect for the administration and its measures was by no means encouraging.

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first session on the 3d of December, 1827. Two hundred and seven members of the House answered to their names, and only six were absent; while in the Senate, every member, excepting two, was in his place; such was the excitement which attended this renewed struggle between the contending parties. The first contest arose about the speakership; and Stevenson, of Virginia, was elected by a small majority over Mr. Taylor, which was looked upon as a decided gain for the opposition.

The next day, the president sent in his third annual message, which, like his others, was very long and very full on all those points which he deemed it proper to bring before the national legislature. A large portion of the message was devoted to the foreign relations of the Union, which, on the whole, were amicable and encouraging. The state of the revenue was said to be highly favorable, although there was a small excess of expenditure over the receipts; because upwards of $6,000,000, out of the $22,300,000, for the year's expenses, had been applied to the reduction of the public debt. The balance which was expect ed to be in the treasury at the end of the year, was nearly $5,500,000. Next came a notice of disturbances among the Indians on the north-western frontier, which had been happily sup- 1827. pressed. Various schemes for internal improvements were then spoken

The twentieth Congress began its of; and these formed a prominent fea

* Mr. Clay published a pamphlet on this subject, in the course of the summer, in which he presented a mass of unimpeachable testimony, in order to show his entire innocence of any unworthy or unbecoming contnt in the course he had adopted.

VOL. III.-46

ture in the recommendations to Congress. The increase of the navy, and the formation of a naval school, were also recommended; the necessity of attending to the public lands was urged;

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