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too often marks unavoidable differences of opinion; by the promulgation and practice of just and liberal principles, and by an enlarged patriotism which shall acknowledge no limits but those of our own wide-spread republic."

The oath of office was then administered by Chief-Justice Taney, and the twelfth president of the United States retired from the scene, to receive the congratulations of thousands and to enter thenceforward upon the onerous duties of his lofty station. The Senate being in session, the president, on the 6th of March, 1849, sent in the following names of the gentlemen selected as his cabinet, and they were confirmed, without difficulty, the next day. John M. Clayton, was appointed secretary of state; William M. Meredith, secretary of the treasury; George W. Crawford, secretary of war; William B. Preston, secretary of the navy; Thomas Ewing, secretary of the interior; Jacob Collamer, postmaster-general; and Reverdy Johnson, attorney-general. The department of the interior, charged with the care of the land office, Indian affairs, patent office, census office, public buildings, etc., added another member to the cabinet, and was organized, as previously noted (p. 460,) just before the adjournment of the last Congress.* The

* At this extra session of the Senate, General Shields presented himself as Senator elect from Illinois. His

extra session of the Senate closed on the 21st of March.

Notwithstanding General Taylor's personal popularity, it soon became evident that there was about to be a majority in both Houses of Congress opposed to his administration; and from the tone and temper of the opposition press, as well as the dissatisfaction caused by the removal of democrats from office, and the appointment of whigs in their places, the president and his cabinet had reason to look forward to the approaching meeting of Congress with no little anxiety and concern. The position, also, of California and New Mexico, for which the attempt to provide territorial governments had failed, (p. 459,) and the dispute stirred up by the claim on tho part of Texas to jurisdiction over quite large portion of New Mexico, demanded attention, and caused the administration considerable annoyance and vexation. The president took such steps as seemed to be needed in the emergency; he sent Mr. T. B. King, of Georgia, as bearer of dispatches to California, and certain officers to California and New Mexico; and in the latter he kept a force in order to preserve tranquility until the boundary question between Texas and New Mexico could be settled by action of Congress. General Taylor likewise appointed a governor and other officers for the new territory of Oregon;

seat was contested on the ground of his not having and measures were taken to complete

been a naturalized citizen for the term of nine years. The committee appointed to inquire into his eligibility, reported that the election was void, because General Shields had not been a citizen for the term of years required. The Senate adopted the view of the committee, and the scat was declared vacant. The legislature of Illinois, however, re-elected him, and he took his seat at the opening of the next Congress.

the coast survey on the Pacific shores of the United States.*

The rapidly increasing importance of

*See Senator Benton's interesting speech on the coast survey, in his "Thirty Years' View," vol. ii., pp. 726-29.

CH. VII.]

THE THIRTY-FIRST CONGRESS.

California and the gold region, caused a large increase of duty to the president, and anxious consideration on his part how best to protect the emigrants flocking thither, and how to sustain, properly and effectually, the authority of the United States in a region which had no settled government of any kind as yet provided for it. The intense application to public business began to tell upon the president's health, and the effect of the new cares and responsibilities he had assumed, was becoming evident as the summer passed away and the time for the opening of Congress approached.*

The thirty-first Congress began its first session on the 3d of December, 1849, and the contest for the speakership of the House, and the other offices, immediately commenced. Two hundred and twenty-three out of two hundred and thirty-one members of the House answered to their names, and as, according to the list which was given by the newspapers, there were a hundred and twelve democrats, a hundred and five whigs, and thirteen free-soilers, it was evident that there would be a sharp battle before a speaker could be elected. And from that day, day after day for nearly three weeks, the members of the House wasted the time which belonged to the people in balloting and speech-making about filling the vacant chair. Mr. Cobb, of Georgia, and Mr. Winthrop, of Massachusetts, were the respective democratic and whig candi

* On the 12th of August, 1849, the venerable statesman and financier, Albert Gallatin, died in the village of Astoria, New York. Mr. Gallatin was in the eightyninth year of his age.

475

dates, and either of them would have proved satisfactory to the country as speaker of the House. At last, on the 22d of December, the question was settled by a resolution that, as Mr. Cobb had received a plurality vote, he should be declared duly elected speaker; and the House was accordingly organized for the discharge of its proper duties.

1849.

The president's message was sent in on the 24th of December, and read to both Houses. It proved to be a plain, clearly written paper, and not nearly so long as several of those which issued from General Taylor's predecessors. Its recommendations were characterized by good sense and moderation; and there ran through it a vein of earnest and sincere devotion to the best interests of our country. "For more than half a century," said the president, in conclusion, "during which kingdoms and empires have fallen, this Union has stood unshaken. The patriots who formed it have long since descended into the grave; yet still it remains, the proudest monument to their memory, and the object of affection and admiration with every one worthy to bear the American name. In my judgment, its dissolution would be the greatest of calamities; and to avert that should be the study of every American. Upon its preservation must depend our happiness and that of countless generations to come. Whatever dangers may threaten it, I shall stand by it and main tain it in its integrity to the full extent of the obligations imposed ar d the pow er conferred upon me by the Constitu tion."

The exciting topics of former years,

as the tariff, internal improvements, and the like, having in great measure been put to rest, the attention of the country was devoted almost entirely to the aspects of the slavery question, growing out of the vast increase of territory gained by the Mexican war. The south, naturally enough, rejoiced in the acquisition of Texas,* and the enlargement of the area out of which new slave states might be formed, and it was also sanguine in the expectation that New Mexico and California might be included in the same category. The north, on the other hand, while yielding to the necessity of Texas being under the influence and guidance of slaveholders, was earnest in seeking to prevent the spread of what it deemed a great evil and stain upon our national escutcheon; and as it became more and more probable that slavery would be excluded from California and New Mexico, the north could not but exult in the prospect, and also urge in Congress measures calculated to depress southern power and influence in our Pacific possessions.

On the 21st of January, 1850, the president sent in to the House a special message in relation to California and New Mexico, in which he stated, that he had advised the people of those regions to form state constitutions, and to apply for admission into the Union. He also spoke of the

1850.

* We may mention here, that Justice Story opposed, in every way consistent with his judicial station, the annexation of Texas, which he considered, says his son, a violation of the Constitution, in spirit at least, and a bold attempt to extend the evils of slavery. See "Life and Letters of Joseph Story, vol. ii, pp. 508-15.

Texas boundary difficulty, and stated, that the people in the western part of California had formed a constitution, the consideration of which was recommended to Congress.* Senator Foote of Mississippi, a few days previously, (January 16th) had brought forward a bill to provide a territorial government for California, Deseret, and New Mexico, and to enable the people of Jacinto, with the assent of Texas, to provide a constitution and state government, and for the admission of such state into the Union. The subject came up as the order of the day, on the 22d, and gave rise to considerable debate. On the 29th of January, Henry Clay brought forward a series of eight resolutions, by which he hoped to provide a basis of compromise for the firm and lasting settlement of the slavery question. His plan in substance was, to admit California as a state; to form territorial governments in other parts of the territory acquired from Mexico; to fix the boundary of Texas and New Mexico; to propose to Texas to pay off her debt contracted previous to annexation to the United States; to declare it inexpedient to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, while it exists in Maryland, without the consent of the people of the state and the district, and without compensating the slave-owners in the district; to declare it expedient to prohibit the slave trade in the District of Columbia; to make more effec tual provision for the recovery of fugi

*Deseret was the name adopted by the inhabitants for the new state; it was subsequently organized as a territory under the name of Utah.

CH. VII.]

CLAY, CALHOUN AND WEBSTER.

tive slaves; and to affirm that Congress has no power to hinder the trade in slaves between the slave-holding states. 1 Mr. Clay, venerable for his years and a long life devoted to public service, undertook, on the 5th of February, an elaborate defence of the plan of compromise which he had wrought out. In earnest and affecting terms, he besought the Senate to listen to his appeals; he denounced secession in vigorous language, and graphically painted the terrible evils which would flow from a dissolution of the Union. His speech excited much attention, and its sentiments were approved by a large portion of the people. On the 13th of February, the president transmitted to Congress the state constitution which had been adopted by the people of California, in a convention held for that purpose; but that youthful and vigorous state did not then, as was hoped, receive admission into the Union. The debate continued, and the excitement 1850. on the points at issue spread more widely and deeply throughout the country.

477

settled opinion, that the course of the north was so aggressive and unjust as fully to authorize this last resort. However undoubted were Mr. Calhoun's integrity and sincerity, his views met with but little favor, even among southern state rights men; and it was impossible that his scheme for settling existing difficulties could be agreed upon by the American people. We may mention here, that the great South Carolina Senator ended his career a few weeks later. His strength sank rapidly from this date, and on the 31st of March he was called away from earth to his final account. Nearly threescore years and ten at the time of his death, Mr. Calhoun had spent the larger part of his life in the service of his country; and however unacceptable a large portion of his views must ever be to the majority of his countrymen, there is no one who can doubt his uprightness, his purity of private life, his vast intellectual force and energy, and his earnest wish to promote the welfare of the United States.*

Daniel Webster also, on the 17th of John C. Calhoun, like his compeer, March, gave utterance to his views on Henry Clay, advanced in years, but unbut un- the questions under debate; and in like him in other respects, greatly re- terms which we regret we have not duced in health and strength, brought room to quote, he scorned the very into the Senate, on the 14th of March, name of secession as an act of foul a carefully prepared written speech, treachery and depravity. Mr. Webster which, as he was too weak to deliver was willing to do any thing that was it, was read by Mr. Mason of Virginia. right in order to mitigate the evils of He took entirely opposite ground from slavery; but, as he emphatically de that of Mr. Clay, and as was to be ex-clared, secession would be, must be, pected from him and his well-known views on the subject of southern rights and claims, he advocated the dissolution of the Union, and gave it as his

lected and published in six volumes, which the student of history will find it of value and importance to consult and study.

*The Works of John C. Calhoun have been col

revolution. Mr. Seward of New York, and other Senators, took part in this exciting debate.

the slave trade in the District of Columbia.

Long and wearisome debates and disputes followed, for week after week, to little or no purpose, and by the beginning of August it was found, that the omnibus bill could not be carried in its present shape.* Important events meanwhile had transpired. The Nashville convention of the supporters of slavery met, early in June, and notwithstanding at one time it seemed to threaten serious consequences, it eventually dispersed without leading to any difficulty. Its propositions for

1850.

Toward the close of February, Mr. Foote of Mississippi moved, that the subject of territorial governments for California, Utah, and New Mexico, be referred to a select committee 1850, of thirteen, with instructions to endeavor to effect a compromise upon all the vexed questions then arising out of the institution of slavery. Mr. Foote's resolution was debated from time to time, but was not disposed of till the 18th of April, when it was adopted by a vote of thirty to twenty-settling the troubles then agitating the two. The compromise resolutions of Mr. Clay, and also others which had been offered by Mr. Bell, of Tennessee, were referred to this same committee, which was composed of six northern and six southern members, and a thirteenth, the chairman, chosen by the other twelve. Mr. Clay was elected chairman of this committee.

On the 8th of May, Mr. Clay, in behalf of the select committee, brought in a report of a plan of compromise, which, it was hoped, would allay existing excitement. A series of bills was presented more generally known as the "omnibus bill"-to admit California as a state, to establish territorial governments for Utah and New Mexico, to pay Texas a sum of money sufficient to satisfy her on the subject of her boundary, to provide for the recovery of fugitive slaves,* and to abolish

Senator Benton delivered himself of an elaborate speech against Mr. Clay's plan of slavery compromise, from which copious extracts are given in the "Thirty Years' View," vol. ii., pp. 749-65.

country were neither new nor important. Texas, too, had taken lofty ground, and presumed to enter upon such a course as would lead to a settlement of the boundary question with New Mexico, on terms entirely acceptable to herself. That, however, could not for a moment be thought of, and the president took measures to see that the laws should be faithfully carried out in the section of country in dispute.

In the midst of this excitement, the national holiday was again observed, and General Taylor participated in it, like every good citizen; but within less than five days he quietly sank to his rest. On the 9th of July, 1850, Zachary Taylor died, in the sixty-sixth year of his age, and before he had had opportunity to develop his plans and purposes as president of the United States. The lamentations for his death were

*For a long and able review of the debate on the compromise bills, delivered in the Senate, July 22d, 1850, see "The Life, Correspondence, and Speeches of Henry Clay," vol. vi., pp. 529-67.

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