1860. express language in our own Declara- right in all the common territories tion of Independence. But the dis- throughout their territorial existence, tinction must ever be observed, that and until they shall be admitted as this is revolution against an states into the Union, with or without established government, and slavery, as their constitutions may prenot a voluntary secession from it by scribe. 3. A like recognition of the virtue of an inherent constitutional right of the master to have his slave, right. In short, let us look the danger who has escaped from one state to anfairly in the face; secession is neither other, restored and 'delivered up' to more nor less than revolution. It may him, and of the validity of the fugitive or it may not be a justifiable revolu- slave law enacted for this purpose, totion; but still it is revolution." It was gether with a declaration that all state then asked, what can the president do laws impairing or defeating this right in such a state of things? In effect, ac- are violations of the Constitution, and cording to Mr. Buchanan, nothing. are consequently null and void." What can Congress do? Can it " compel a state to remain in the Union ?" "Has the Constitution delegated to Congress the power to coerce a state into submission which is attempting to withdraw, or has actually withdrawn, from the confederacy? If answered in the affirmative, it must be on the principle that the power has been conferred upon Congress to declare and to make war against a state. After much serious reflection, I have arrived at the conclusion that no such power has been delegated to Congress or to any other department of the federal government. Without descending to particulars, it may be safely asserted, that the power to make war against a state is at variance with the whole spirit and intent of the Constitution." As a sort of make-peace, the president suggested an explanatory amendment to the Constitution, "on three special points: 1. An express recognition of the right of property in slaves in the states where it now exists or may hereafter exist. 2 The duty of protecting this The message concluded with stating that the foreign relations of the country were generally satisfactory, that the tariff needed a revision, the railroad to the Pacific ought to be pushed forward, etc. In the House the message received but scant courtesy from the prominent politicians with whom secession was a foregone conclusion, and Mr. Buchanan was spoken of with a mixture of pity and contempt for his weakness, vacillation, inconsistency, and the like.* Still there were those who not only believed that the Union could be preserved and "President Buchanan had, in his message to Con gress, denounced secession as revolutionary, but had hesitated at the logical conclusion of the right of co ercion,' on the part of the Federal government, as not warranted by the text of the Constitution. Timid, secretive, cold, and with no other policy than that of selfish expediency, the remnant of his administration was marked by embarrassment, double-dealing, and weak and contemptible querulousness."-"First Year of the War," p. 39, by E. A. Pollard, Richmond, 1862. The author indulges in many other bitter remarks, showing plainly enough that, however convenient it might be to use Mr. Buchanan for secession purposes, the leaders spect or admiration. in that movement entertained for him anything but re CII. XI.] 1960. PLANS AND MEASURES PROPOSED. 559 would be forbidden "to abolish, or interfere, in any state, with the domestic institutions thereof, including that of persons held to labor or servitude by the laws of said state." The Senate secession or revolution prevented, but to the Constitution, by which Congress who were willing to make any possible concession in order to attain this desirable end. Many good men, both in and out of Congress, thus thought and hoped; and the action of the House, in appointing a committee of thirty- concurred in this resolution, on the 4th three (one from each state), of March, 1861. and of the Senate, in appoint- Early in the new year (January 8th) ing a committee of thirteen, was hailed Mr. Buchanan* sent a special message as an indication that the dark and to Congress on the state of the country, gloomy clouds which seemed surcharged in which, having given it as his opinion, with the direst of evils would soon pass that "the fact cannot be disguised that away, and that our country would be we are in the midst of a great revoluspared the unutterable trials and tribu- tion," he pleaded for concession to the lations of war in our very midst. South, for sacrifices of any and every Disappointment, however, speedily kind in order to save the Union, and followed. In the Senate, December for the adoption of the compromise 18th, the venerable Mr. Crittenden pro- measures so as to prevent secession and posed his "compromise measures "-vir- revolution. He also sent copies of a tually, a restoration of the Missouri correspondence between himself and compromise but although earnestly certain gentlemen from South Carolina, advocated by him, and approved by in which, with refreshing coolness and great numbers of the people as wise assurance, these gentlemen required and judicious, in the existing critical Mr. Buchanan to disavow Major Andercondition of affairs, they were lost by a son's act in taking possession of Fort vote of nineteen to twenty, just at the Sumter in Charleston harbor, predictclose of the session. The Senate com- ing terrible things if he did not, and mittee of thirteen, on the last day of in which also Mr. Buchanan refused the year, reported that they had not to do anything of the kind. He been able to agree upon any plan of ad- closed his message in these words:justment of the national difficulties and "Whatever the result may be, I shall perplexities. In the House a large carry to my grave the consciousness number of "peace propositions" were that I at least meant well for my discussed, and the committee of thirty- country." On the 28th of January, the three reported their action, late in the president sent another message, inclossession. Several strongly worded re- ing resolutions of the legislature of solutions were adopted, were adopted, urging an Virginia, urging upon the extreme adherence to the laws, especially in regard to the slavery question and its connections; a resolution was also passed recommending an amendment *The 4th of January, having been recommended by the president to be observed as a day of fasting, humi liation, and prayer, the people generally paid a due and proper respect to the day, and besought the guidance and protection of Almighty God. 1861. South on the one hand, and the free will this day inaugurate for the South states on the other, to desist from all a new era of peace, security, and prosfurther action until the result of the perity." Immediate steps were taken peace conference be ascertained. In to provide for a government in place this message he spoke in high terms of of that which they had undertaken to praise of this course on the part of throw off, and to establish a Southern Virginia, and declared his determina- Confederacy. Matters were hurried tion "never to despair of the Republic." forward as much as possible. The ConOn the 19th of January, the General stitution of the United States was Assembly of Virginia passed those re- adopted nearly as a whole, with two or solutions to which allusion was made three politic provisions introduced, one above, appointing commissioners to against the slave trade, and another meet with those from other states, so against importing slaves from any state as to devise, if possible, some outside of the confederacy. The first of way to save the Union. This these would be good capital in seekpeace conference, from whose labors ing foreign aid and sympathy; the much was expected, met, February 4th, latter hore directly on Virginia, the in Washington. Ex-President Tyler great slave-breeding state in the Union. was chosen to preside; one hundred This was accomplished on the 8th of and thirty-three commissioners, repre- February. senting twenty-one states, were present; The next day Jefferson Davis, of it continued in session until February Mississippi, was chosen president, and 27th, when it adjourned, and the result A. H. Stephens vice-president of the of its earnest efforts to discover a way confederation. The former of these of escape out of existing difficulties and was a thorough politician, well versed dissensions was laid before Congress. in all matters of public life, and a man In the Senate, the "plan of adjustment" of decided ability. As an unscrupulous was discussed for the few remaining days of the session, but no action resulted looking towards the settlement of the momentous question at issue. devotee to the scheme which had so long been coming to maturity, he was probably the best man who could have been chosen to go to any and all On the same day that the peace con- lengths in the attempt to break down ference met at Washington, a congress of and destroy the Union. The latter, delegates from the seven seceded states Mr. Stephens, was also a man of ability, (p. 556) assembled at Montgomery, but of a different stamp from Davis; Alabama. Mr. Cobb, of Georgia, late more yielding and impressible, and less secretary of the treasury, became chair- fixed and stern in principle and determan, and in his address assured his mination. Less than three months behearers that the dissolution of the fore (November 14th, 1860) he had Union was "a fact, an irrevocable made an eloquent speech in presence fact; the separation is perfect, com- of the legislature of Georgia, m which plete, and perpetual. We he showed the folly and wicked CH. XI] 1861. STEPHENS'S AND DAVIS'S VIEWS. 561 ness of secession, and besought his tences are all that we have room to countrymen never to take any part quote. "Looking forward to the speedy in disunion : "If the Republic is establishment of a permanent governto go down, let us be found at the ment to take the place of this, and last moment standing on the deck with which, by its moral and physical power, the Constitution of the United States will be better able to combat with waving over our heads! I fear the many difficulties which arise from if we evince passion, and with the conflicting interests of separate naout sufficient cause shall take tions, I enter upon the duties of the of that step, a disruption of the ties that fice to which I have been chosen, with bind us to the Union-that instead of the hope that the beginning of our cabecoming gods, we will become demons, reer as a Confederacy may not be oband at no distant day countenance structed by hostile opposition to the cutting one another's throats." And enjoyment of our separate existence yet, although avowing such sentiments, and independence which we have as he was willing to deny them all, and serted, and which, with the blessing of take the post which was offered to him. Providence, we intend to maintain. He even undertook, the very evening The transition from the former of his election, to boast of the bless- Union to the present Confederacy has ings of slavery, and to glorify it as not proceeded from a disregard, on our the basis of the confederation. Our part, of our just obligations, or any fail fathers held slavery to be wrong every way, socially, morally, and politically; but, says Mr. S. (some weeks later, at Savannah), "our new government is founded upon exactly the opposite ideas; its foundations are laid, its corner stone rests upon the great truth that the negro is not equal to the white man; that slavery, subordination to the superior race, is his natural and nor mal condition. This, our new government, is the first in the history of the world based upon this great physical, philosophical and moral truth." Davis, having reached Montgomery, was, on the 18th of February, inaugurated with appropriate ceremonies. His address was well written and wore an appearance of candor and confidence, but was not withot its undercurrent of apprehension. A few sen VOL. III.-71. ure to perform every constitutional The cabinet of the rebel president sible facility was afforded to enable the consisted of Mr. Toombs, of Georgia, rebels to carry out their designs; the secretary of state; Mr. Memminger, of United States troops were scattered and South Carolina, secretary of the treas- dispersed, so as to prevent any effective ury Mr. Walker, of Alabama, secretary garrisoning the forts at the South; and of war; and Mr. Mallory, of Florida, through the connivance of the secretary secretary of the navy. During the ses- of the navy, the United States ships of sion, various steps were taken to secure, war were also, as far as possible, sent if possible, foreign aid and re- out of the way, or rendered unfit to do 1861. cognition; to raise money for duty in behalf of law and order in our the probable struggle near at hand; to native land.* provide troops and sustenance, etc. Having elaborated a permanent constitution, with distinct declaration of state sovereignty as a part and parcel of it, the provisional congress adjourned, on the 16th of March, to meet two months later at Montgomery, Alabama. Thus were the impetuous and ambitious spirits of the South pressing for ward, and doing all in their power "to try conclusions" with the loyal northern and western states. It was evident, though hard to believe, that they who had dared to secede would not scruple to avail themselves of everything they could lay hands upon for their purposes; and so, very early demonstrations were made in reference to seizing upon the fortifications of the United States in the harbors along the southern coast, and elsewhere. The majority of Mr. Buchanan's cabinet, especially the gentlemen in the war and treasury departments, were secessionists, and were so lost to all principles of honor and integrity as to use the opportunities afforded by their official positions in advancing the cause of disunion and rebellion.* Every pos * In " "The First Year of the War," from the southern, rebel, point of view, this conduct is highly lauded. Speaking of the fear lest the South might not be sup The position of matters in Charleston harbor soon made it evident what South Carolina and the seceding states were about to undertake. The authorities and people of the city were anxious that the "sovereign" state of South Carolina should at once seize upon the forts, even as they had begun the work by taking possession of the custom house, the United States arsenal, etc. Fort Moultrie, a large fortress, requiring some seven hundred men to garrison it, was occupied by Major Anderson, with a force of only eighty men; and was plied with arms, etc., to carry on the war, the author says: "This disadvantage had been provided against by the timely act of one man. Mr. Floyd, of Virginia, when secretary of war under Mr. Buchanan's adminis tration, had by a single order effected the transfer of 115,000 improved muskets and rifles from the Springfield armory and Watervliet arsenal to different arse nals at the south." In addition to these and other sup plies obtained in a like manner, the author states, that "the South entered upon the war with 150,000 small arms of the most approved modern pattern, and the best in the world." (pp. 67, 68) Mr. Buchanan, how. ever, in his "Administration on the Eve of the Rebellion," (p. 219, etc.) denies entirely the correctness of the above (National Intelligencer, Nov. 17, 1862) accuses Floyd of lying, when he boasted of having accomplished the stealing of arms of various kinds. statement. He also in his rejoinder to Gen. Scott, In the House a resolution of censure was passed against Mr. Toucey, secretary of the navy, because of his readiness in accepting "the resignations of officers of the navy, who were in arms against the government," and his having in this way helped the cause of |