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OVERTHROW OF THE WHIG PARTY.

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Free Land, No Extension of Slavery, Internal Improvements, &c., &c.

The campaign was prosecuted with an earnestness worthy a greater difference of principles than was found. in the platforms of the two leading parties. The Democrats were united. Those who had given their support to Mr. Van Buren, in 1848, and upheld the doctrine of non-extension of slavery, had returned, for the most part, to the bosom of the old party. The Whig party was wanting in cohesive power. The friends of the defeated candidates for nomination, Messrs. Fillmore and Webster, gave to the Whig candidates, at best, but an indif ferent support. A very large mass of the Whigs in the Free States could not give their adhesion to the platform of the party. If they supported the ticket, they repudiated the platform of principles. Under these circumstances the result could be easily predicted. The Whigs were completely routed. Of the 296 electoral votes, Messrs. Pierce and King received 254; Gen. Scott and Mr. Graham received 42-the votes of Massachusetts, Vermont, Kentucky, and Tennessee.

Of the popular vote, Mr. Pierce received 1,585,545; Gen. Scott 1,383,537; and 157,296 votes were cast for Mr. Hale.

The overthrow of the Whig party was final. It has been forcibly said, "it died of an attempt to swallow the Fugitive Slave Bill." It is patent that this bill and other features of the Compromise of 1850 were most obnoxious to the mass of Northern Whigs. What at first had been merely a sentiment, was fast assuming form as a fixed principle. If they could not check slavery, they would not lend their aid to promote its extension. The exigencies of the times clearly foreshadowed a re-con

struction of parties. At least the formation of one which should be opposed in principle to the platforms set forth by the two opposing parties in the recent campaign. Subsequent events hastened the step foreseen to be necessary.

CHAPTER XIV.

ADMINISTRATION OF FRANKLIN PIERCE, 1853-1857.

FRANKLIN PIERCE was inaugurated President of the United States on the 4th of March, 1853. In his inaugural address, respecting the agitation of the slavery question, and the Compromises of 1850, the President said:

"I believe that involuntary servitude, as it exists in different States of this confederacy, is recognized by the Constitution. I believe that it stands like any other admitted right, and that the States where it exists, are entitled to efficient remedies to enforce the constitutional provisions. I hold that the laws of 1850, commonly called the 'Compromise Measures' are strictly constitutional, and to be unhesitatingly carried into effect. I believe that the constituted authorities of this Republic are bound to regard the rights of the South in this respect, as they would view any other legal and constitutional right, and that the laws to enforce them should be respected and obeyed; not with a reluctance encouraged by abstract opinions as to their propriety in a different state of society, but cheerfully, and according to the decision of the tribunal to which their exposition belongs; such have been, and are, my convictions, and upon them shall I act. I fervently hope the question is at rest, and that no sectional, or ambitious, or fanatical excitement, may again

threaten the durability of our institutions, or obscure the light of our prosperity."

The President selected as his Cabinet: Wm. L. Marcy, of N. Y., Secretary of State; James Guthrie, of Ky., Secretary of the Treasury; Robert McClelland, of Mich., Secretary of the Interior; J. C. Dobbin, of N. C., Secretary of the Navy; Jefferson Davis, of Miss., Secre tary of War; James Campbell, of Pa., Postmaster-General; and Caleb Cushing, of Mass., Attorney General.

The first session of the 33d Congress commenced December 5, 1853. Lynn Boyd-administration candidate -was elected Speaker, receiving 143 votes, against 74 for all others.

In the Senate there was a large Democratic majority. In his annual message, the President holds the follow ing language touching slavery:

"It is no part of my purpose to give prominence to any subject which may properly be regarded as set at rest by the deliberate judgment of the people. But, while the present is bright with promises, and the future full of demand and inducement for the exercise of active intelligence, the past can never be without useful lessons of admonition and instruction. If its dangers serve not as useful beacons, they will evidently fail to fulfil the object of a wise design. When the grave shall have closed over all who are now endeavoring to meet the obligations of duty, the year 1850 will be recurred to, as a period filled with anxious apprehensions. A successful war had just terminated. Peace brought with it a vast augmentation of territory. Disturbing questions arose, bearing upon. the domestic institutions of one portion of the confederacy, and involving the constitutional right of the States. But notwithstanding differences of opinions and sentiment which then existed in relation to details and specific pro

THE PRESIDENT ON THE COMPROMISES.

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visions, the acquiescence of distinguished citizens, whose devotion to the Union can never be doubted, has given renewed vigor to our institutions, and restored a sense of repose and security to the public mind throughout the confederacy. That this repose is to suffer no shock during my official term, if I have power to avert it, those who placed me here may be assured."

Notwithstanding these assurances that the slavery question should remain at rest, influences were already at work which were destined to result in a more exciting and far-reaching agitation of that vexed question, than had ever before aroused the energies of the American people.

TERRITORIAL ORGANIZATION OF KANSAS AND NEBRASKA.

During the last session of the previous Congress, an effort had been made to organize the Territory of Nebraska. A bill with that intent passed the House, but was not acted upon in the Senate-being defeated by Southern votes.

The Territory of Nebraska was a part of the Louisiana purchase. From that purchase, one tier of States facing the Mississippi on the west have now been admitted— Louisiana, Missouri, and Arkansas, slave; Iowa and Minnesota, free. The condition of these had already been settled. How should it be with the next in order? The Missouri Compromise had inhibited slavery from the vast region known as Nebraska.

In the protracted discussion on the Compromises of 1850, it was intimated by no one-friend or foe-that the adoption of those measures would void the Missouri line. No such indication is found in the attempt of the last session to effect an organization of the Nebraska Territory. On the 15th of December, Senator Dodge, of Iowa, sub

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