ORGANIZATION OF THE SENATE 671 presence of the House, to discharge that duty; and that the Senate have appointed one of their Members to sit at the clerk's table to make a list of the votes as they shall be declared; submitting it to the wisdom of the House to appoint one or more of their members for the like purpose. Mr. Ellsworth reported that he had delivered the message; and Mr. Boudinot, from the House of Representatives, informed the Senate that the House is ready forthwith to meet them, to attend the opening and counting of the votes of the electors of the President and Vice President of the United States. The Speaker and the Members of the House of Representatives attended in the Senate Chamber; and the President elected for the purpose of counting the votes declared that the Senate and House of Representatives had met, and that he, in their presence had opened and counted the votes of the electors for President and Vice President of the United States, which were as follows. Then follows the vote of each state for each candidate. After the recording of this vote, we find the following entry in this old volume: Whereby it appeared that George Washington, Esq. was elected President, and John Adams, Esq. Vice President of the United States of America. Mr. Madison, from the House of Representatives, thus addressed the Senate: "Mr. President: I am directed by the House of Representatives to inform the Senate, that the House have agreed that the notifications of the election of the President and of the Vice President of the United States, should be made by such persons, and in such manner as the Senate shall be pleased to direct.” And he withdrew. Whereupon, the Senate appointed Charles Thomson, Esq. to notify George Washington, Esq. of his election to the office of President of the United States of America, and Mr. Sylvanus Bourn, to notify John Adams, Esq. of his election to the office of Vice President of the said United States. What a precious record! How wonderful it is that so few men, acting with another small body of men in the House of Representatives, could so expeditiously and with such certainty-without precedent safely and soundly inaugurate the greatest government in the world! The next step upon the part of the Senate was the inauguration of the Vice President. It is interesting to see how simply this was done. I again read briefly from the Annals of that First Congress. I quote: Tuesday, April 21. The committee appointed to conduct the Vice President to the Senate chamber, executed their commission, and Mr. Langdon, the Vice President pro tempore, meeting the Vice President on the floor of the Senate chamber, addressed him as follows. "Sir: I have it in charge from the Senate to introduce you to the chair of this House, and also to congratulate you on your appointment to the office of Vice President of the United States of America." 222964-40-44 After which Mr. Langdon conducted the Vice President to the chair, when the Vice President addressed the Senate. I wish I had time to read you that speech. This First Congress organized the Supreme Court and the necessary inferior courts. It adopted complete rules for the government of the Senate. These rules remain substantially unchanged. There we find the rule providing for unlimited debate, which has made of the Senate the greatest deliberative body on earth. On the 30th day of April George Washington took the oath of office and was inaugurated as President of the United States. And so was the modest beginning of our great government, which has brought a greater degree of liberty, prosperity, and happiness to our people than is enjoyed anywhere else in the world-a government that is at peace with the world and respected by the world. Mr. John Charles Thomas sang "God Bless Our Native Land." The VICE PRESIDENT. The Chair recognizes the Senator from Kentucky, Mr. BARKLEY. The Mr. BARKLEY. Mr. President, since the 4th day of March 1789 there have been 8,124 men and women who have served in the House of Representatives. One thousand three hundred and eightyfour men and women have served in the United States Senate. number of those who have served in both Houses is 461. The total number of persons who have served in the Cabinets of all the Presidents is 313. The number of individuals who have served as Governors of the various states is 1,558. There have been 42 Speakers of the House of Representatives; 32 different persons have served as Vice Presidents, of whom 6 have succeeded to the Presidency by virtue of the death of the President; 31 individuals have served as President. On the Supreme Court there have been 70 Associate Justices and 11 Chief Justices of the United States. The Senate is sometimes referred to as the nation's most exclusive club. In some respects it may be just that, but in many other respects it is no club. But if I might in my imagination create an exclusive club because of the small number of its members, I would refer to it as the Association of Chief Justices. Two of the Chief Justices, Marshall and Taney, served a total of 63 years; only 12 years short of one-half the entire period since the organization of Congress in 1789. The Supreme Court of the United States and the Chief Justices who have presided over it have exercised profound influence upon the political, social, and economic history of America and will undoubtedly continue to do so as the complexity of modern life continues to develop. THE SUPREME COURT 673 It is my great honor and no less a pleasure to present to you today the eleventh Chief Justice of the United States. He has already served longer than five of the other ten. Whether he shall outserve all of his predecessors, I make no prediction. I am happy to record that he seems to be in robust health of mind and body. But whether he shall serve as long as Marshall or Taney or Waite or Fuller or White, I think posterity will assign to him a place among the ablest, most influential, and most profound jurists and legal philosophers who have ever served upon the bench or as its presiding Justice. In profound legal learning, in impressive exposition, in the dignity of his bearing, I dare say no previous Chief Justice excelled him. We all take pride in his contributions to the administrative and judicial history of America. I take pride in the broad accomplishments of his intellectual processes, as well as the depth of his moral foundations, which are a part of his character and have made him so impressive a figure in whatever capacity he has chosen to occupy in his long public service. I present to you the Chief Justice of the United States. ADDRESS OF HONORABLE CHARLES E. HUGHES MR. PRESIDENT, Mr. Vice President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the I thank you, Senator BARKLEY, from the depths of my heart for your very generous words. The most significant fact in connection with this anniversary is that after 150 years, notwithstanding expansion of territory, enormous increase in population and profound economic changes, despite direct attack and subversive influences, there is every indication that the vastly preponderant sentiment of the American people is that our form of government shall be preserved. We come from our distinct departments of governmental activity to testify to our unity of aim in maintaining that form of government in accordance with our common pledge. We are here not as masters, but as servants, not to glory in power, but to attest our loyalty to the commands and restrictions laid down by our sovereign, the people of the United States, in whose name and by whose will we exercise our brief authority. If as such representatives we have, as Benjamin Franklin said "no more durable preeminence than the different grains in an hourglass"-we serve our hour by unremitting devotion to the principles which have given our government CHIEF JUSTICE HUGHES' ADDRESS 675 both stability and capacity for orderly progress in a world of turmoil and revolutionary upheavals. Gratifying as is the record of achievement, it would be extreme folly to engage in mere laudation or to surrender to the enticing delusions of a thoughtless optimism. Forms of government, however well contrived, cannot assure their own permanence. If we owe to the wisdom and restraint of the fathers a system of government which has thus far stood the test, we all recognize that it is only by wisdom and restraint in our own day that we can make that system last. If today we find ground for confidence that our institutions which have made for liberty and strength will be maintained, it will not be due to abundance of physical resources or to productive capacity, but because these are at the command of a people who still cherish the principles which underlie our system and because of the general appreciation of what is essentially sound in our governmental structure. With respect to the influences which shape public opinion, we live in a new world. Never have these influences operated more directly, or with such variety of facile instruments, or with such overwhelming force. We have mass production in opinion as well as in goods. The grasp of tradition and of sectional prejudgment is loosened. Postulates of the past must show cause. Our institutions will not be preserved by veneration of what is old, if that is simply expressed in the formal ritual of a shrine. The American people are eager and responsive. They listen attentively to a vast multitude of appeals and, with this receptivity, it is only upon their sound judgment that we can base our hope for a wise conservatism with continued progress and appropriate adaptation to new needs. We shall do well on this anniversary if the thought of the people is directed to the essentials of our democracy. Here in this body we find the living exponents of the principle of representative government, not government by direct mass action, but by representation which means leadership as well as responsiveness and accountability. Here, the ground-swells of autocracy, destructive of parliamentary independence, have not yet upset or even disturbed the authority and responsibility of the essential legislative branch of democratic institutions. We have a national government equipped with vast powers which have proved to be adequate to the development of a great nation, and at the same time maintaining the balance between centralized authority and local autonomy. It has been said that to preserve that balance, if we did not have states we should have to create them. In our forty-eight states we have the separate sources of power necessary to protect local interests and thus also to preserve |