my duty to my own. We ought to "grapple America to us with Hooks of Steel," and not provoke a war by the same contemptible narrow policy which originally provoked the revolution. I sent your letter to Lord St. Vincent without copying it, & I therefore hope you have preserved a copy of it. I told him that thro' the correspondence with my son in America I had the means of knowing the delicate situation in which we stood towards your great & growing country, & I called upon him in the most earnest manner to attend to the important subject of your letter. I have no doubt that Lord St. Vincent will, as a man of good sense (which I know He is) attend deeply to it. It is high time he should, as by a letter I have from Yarmouth roads from a captain of one of the ships of the line, I find they are getting under weigh, or in other words that the signal in made for universal war. In these days it is dangerous to prophecy, but I may have leave to rejoice that part of my property is safe from the violence & injustice of my own country; having a perfect confidence in the integrity of yours towards a stranger whose life has been spent in wishes to unite the world in Harmony & peace.

I ever am, Dear Sir, your most

faithful & obliged Humble servt.

Endorsed in R. King's handwriting :

T. ERSKINE.

Answer to mine respecting his interference with Ld. St. Vincent respec. the proposed Article that neither party wd. impress seamen out of the vessels of the other on the high seas.

MY LORD:

R. KING TO LORD HAWKESBURY.

GREAT CUMBERLAND PLACE, 13 March, 1801.

The decree of the Vice-Admiralty Court of Nassau, a copy of which is annexed-concerning the cargo of an American vessel going from the United States to a port in the Spanish Colonies on the ground that the articles of transient Merchandize composing the same, tho' bona fide neutral Property, were of the growth of Spain, having been sanctioned, and the Principle extended by the Prize Courts of the other British Islands, and particularly by

the court of Jamaica, has been sufficient authority to the Commanders of the Ships of war and privateers cruizing in those seas, to fall upon and capture all American vessels bound to an Enemy's Colony, and having on board any article of the growth or manufacture of a Nation at war with Great Britain.

These captures which are vindicated by what is termed the "Belligerent's" right to distress his Enemy by interrupting the supplies which his habits or convenience may require, have produced the strongest and most serious complaints among the American Merchants, who have seen with indignation a reason assigned for the capture and confiscation of their property, which is totally disregarded in the open and protected Trade carried on between the British and Spanish Colonies, by British and Spanish subjects, in the very articles, the supply of which by neutral Merchants is interrupted.

The Law of Nations acknowledged in the Treaty of Amity, Commerce and Navigation between the United States and Great Britain, allows the Goods of an Enemy to be lawful Prize, and pronounces those of a friend to be free.

While the United States take no measures to abridge the Rights of Great Britain as a Belligerent, they are bound to resist with firmness every attempt to extend them to the equally incontestible Rights of Nations, which find their interest and duty in living in peace with the rest of the world.

As long as the ancient Law of Nations is observed, which protects the innocent Merchandize of Neutrals while it abandons to the Belligerent the goods of his Enemy, a plain Rule exists and may be appealed to to decide the Rights of peace and of war: the Belligerent has no better authority to curtail the Rights of the Neutrals, than the Neutral has to do the like in regard to the Rights of the Belligerent; and it is only by an adherence to the ancient code and the rejection of modern glosses, that fixed and precise Rules can be found, defining the Rights and regulating the Duties of independent States.

This subject is of such importance, and the essential Interests of the United States, whose Policy is that of peace, are so deeply affected by the Doctrines which during this present war have been set up, in order to enlarge the rights of Belligerents, at the expense of those of neutrals, that I shall without loss of time sub

mit to your Lordship's consideration such farther reflections respecting the same as its great importance appears to demand.

In the mean time as the Decisions referred to cannot from the unavoidable delay which attends the presentation of appeals, be speedily reversed and as the effect of those decrees will continue to be the unjust and ruinous interruption of the American Commerce in the West India Seas, it is my duty to require, that precise instructions shall without delay be dispatched to the proper officers in the West Indies and Nova Scotia, to correct the abuses which have arisen out of these illegal decrees, and put an end to the depredations, which are wasting the lawful commerce of a peaceable and friendly nation.

SIR:

With great Consideration & Respect

R. KING TO GEORGE ROSE, Esq.

RUFUS KING.

GT. CUMBERLAND PLACE, Mar. 16, 1801.

Though it would be more regular that I should make the application, through Lord Hawkesbury's office, I save time, which is of importance, by addressing myself immediately to you. To the Facts stated in the enclosed Letter from Dickson & Co. I think it proper to add, that according to my information, the conduct of the Revenue Officers of the Port of London has become so arbitrary and oppressive, always under the plea of Duty, that with the most scrupulous attention to the Laws, the American Ships employed in the Tobacco Trade are not only exposed to great detention, and embarrassment, but frequently obliged to pay considerable sums of money to ransom themselves from suits upon false and frivolous Pretexts, with which they are menaced. In the instance of the Mehitable, Follansbee Master, an offer is at length made to release the 10 Hogsheads of Tobacco, which had been seized, and to discharge the Ship, provided the seizing officer be paid 20. Guineas. I know that you will disapprove and take pleasure in correcting these abusive irregularities, and therefore make no apology for bringing these cases before you, or requesting your interference to do us justice.

With perfect respect &c.

R. KING.

CHAPTER XXIX.

Cabot to King-Jefferson's Inaugural gives Federalists much Hope-Bad Omen if King leaves his Post-Persuaded England will triumph-King to Southgate-Expects a Successor-Affectionate Expressions-Cabot to KingJefferson's Speech more liked by Federalists than Democrats-Troup to King-Similar Opinion-Cabinet and other Appointments-Generally believed he was not to be suspended-New York Appointments-Rights claimed by Gov. Clinton-Lord St. Vincent to T. Erskine-Expressing high Respect for Mr. King-Hard to draw a Line on Impressments-King to Secretary of State-New Ministry—Sir Hyde Parker gone to Baltic with a Fleet-Debate in Parliament on free Bottoms make free GoodsNeutral Rights-Overtures of Peace-Affairs of United States delayed but pushed-Cession of Louisiana and Floridas to France-Fears injurious Effects upon the Union-Gen. Collot's proposed Voyage to United States— Importance of having an able Minister at Paris-King to Lawrance-Had not the Ministers gone out, believes he would have been able to settle United States Affairs satisfactorily-Cabot to King-England will triumph -King to remain-No war with England-Some Changes of Officers made-King to Lord Hawkesbury-Vices of the Vice-Admiralty Courts in West Indies and Nova Scotia, and Reforms suggested-Asks when the Delays in taking up the Negotiations with the United States will ceaseKing to Addington-Relative to Commission under 6th Article-Asks for a Decision-To Secretary of State-English Ships excluded from the Continent-France supplied by Neutrals from England-Peace yet uncertain -If Egypt evacuated, Peace more probable.

R. KING TO ROBERT SOUTHGATE, ESQ.

MY DEAR SIR:

LONDON, Mar. 16, 1801.

I am extremely obliged to you for your kind letter of the 2d of January. The information it gives me is such as for a long time I have been solicitous to receive. At present I have only time to say that my continuance here is uncertain. When I left America we expected that the war would be at an end in two or three years; and that an opportunity would then present itself for a

revision of the Treaty concluded by Mr. Jay, which would be advantageous to the U. S. and favourable to my reputation. The war still goes on and the change of men in America will probably be followed by correspondent changes in Europe: I therefore expect a successor. In this event I shall pass the winter upon the continent and return home in the summer of 1802. Mr. Pickering, who is my present Secretary, being destined to the profession of the Law, will embark for America in six or eight weeks; I shall not engage any one in his place, which you may consider as belonging to your Son, should I continue here.

I will only add, that I am under no stronger obligation to any one than to you, and that I shall find peculiar satisfaction, should the opportunity occur, in repaying to the Son, those tokens of kindness and Protection, which I myself received from his father. To the expression of my affectionate regards for my Sister, and the other branches of the family, I must add the assurances of the sincerest attachment with which I remain &c.

RUFUS KING.

GEO. CABOT TO R. KING.

March 20, 1801.

MY DEAR FRIEND : All our newspapers have copied the inauguration speech of Mr. Jefferson, you cannot fail therefore of having seen it before this will reach you. It is so conciliatory that much hope is derived from it by the Federalists; it certainly contains some foolish & some pernicious as well as many good ideas. On the whole however its temper entitles it to respect & whatever may be the sincerity of its professions, good policy requires that they be trusted till contradicted by actions.

Much anxiety has been felt lest the new administration shou'd involve us in a quarrel with G. B., to which we had made some approaches by the strange negligence of their Predecessor. I have some reason however to believe that accommodation is as likely to be made with the present as former President. We shall think it a bad omen if you quit your station; we know of no one who can so well serve us in it.