I close this chapter with a note from Vetancur's standard chronicle of the Franciscans, written about 1691, but showing the missions as they existed just before the great revolt of 1680. A padron of 1660 is said by this author to have shown a population of 24,000 Spaniards and Christian Indians, of whom it would seem the former must have numbered about 2,400 in 1680. Padre Francisco de Ayeta came as custodio, with a reënforcement of friars, in 1674, but, as we have seen, went back to Mexico for succor two years later.71

in reply, 1678, in N. Mex., Cédulas, MS., 9-10. Starting of the train and troops, the viceroy going to Guadalupe to see them off, Sept. 29 or 30, '79. Robles, Diario, 290; Rivera, Diario, 14.

Vetancur, Chron., 98 et seq. Missions of N. Mex. in 1680. See similar statement for 1630, p. 164 of this chapter.

Senecú (S. Antonio), 70 1. above Guadalupe del Paso, founded in 1630 by P. Ant. Arteaga, suc. by P. García de Zúñiga, or San Francisco, who is buried there; Piros nation; convento of S. Antonio; vineyard; fish-stream.

Socorro (Nra Sra), 7 1. above Senecú, of Piros nation; 600 inhab.; founded by P. García.

Alamillo (Sta Ana), 31. above Socorro; 300 Piros.

Sevilleta, 5 1. from Alamillo across river; Piros.

Isleta (S. Antonio), no distance given; where a small stream with the Rio del Norte encloses a fertile tract with 7 Span. ranchos; convent built by P. Juan de Salas; 2,000 inhab. of Tiguas nation. Here is the paso for Acoma, Zuñi, etc.

Alameda (Sta Ana), 8 1. above Isleta; 300 inhab. of Tiguas nation; named for the álamos which shade the road for 4 1.

Puray, or Puruay (S. Bartolomé), 1 1. from Sandía (Alameda ?); 200 Tiguas; the name means 'gusanos,' or worms.

Sandía (S. Francisco), 1 1. (from Puaray); 3,000 Tiguas; convent, where P. Estévan de Perea, the founder, is buried; also the skull of P. Rodriguez, the 1st martyr, is venerated.

S. Felipe, on the river on a height (apparently on E. bank); 600 inhab. with the little pueblo of Sta Ana; of Zures (Queres) nation; convent founded by P. Cris. Quiñones, who, with P. Gerón. Pedraza, is buried here.

Sto Domingo, 2 1. above S. Felipe; 150 inhab.; one of the best convents, where the archives are kept, and where, in '61, was celebrated an auto-de-fé, by order of the inquisition; P. Juan de Escalona buried here; padres in '80, Talaban (once custodio), Lorenzana, and Montesdeoca.

Sta Fé, villa, 81. from Sto Domingo; residence of the gov. and soldiers, with 4 padres.

Tesuque (S. Lorenzo), 21. from Sta Fé, in a forest; 200 Tiguas (Tehuas); P. Juan Bautista Pio.

Nambé (S. Francisco), 3 1. E. of Tesuque, 5 1. from Rio del Norte: 2 little settlements of Jacona and Cuya Mangue; 600 inhab.; P. Tomás de Torres.

S. Ildefonso, near the river, and 2 1. from Jacona, in a fertile tract, with 20 farms; 800 inhab.; PP. Morales, Sanchez de Pro, and Fr. Luis.

Sta Clara, convento, on a height by the river; 300 inhab.; a visita of S. Ildefonso.

S. Juan de los Caballeros, 300 inhab.; visita of S. Ildefonso. In sight are the buildings of the villa de S. Gabriel, the 1st Span. capital.

Picuríes (S. Lorenzo), 6 1. (from S. Juan), on a height; 3,000 inhab.; Fr. Ascensio de Zárate served and is buried here; P. Matias Rendon in '80.

Tahos (S. Gerónimo de Taos), 3 1. (?) from Picuríes and 5 l. from the river, in a fine valley; 2,000 inhab. and some Spaniards; in 1631, P. Pedro Miranda de Ávila was killed here; PP. Juan de Pedrosa and Antonio de Mora in '80.

Acoma (S. Estévan), east (?) of Cia on a peñol 1 1. in circum. and 30 estados high; 1,500 inhab., converted by P. Juan Ramirez; in '80, P. Lúcas Maldonado.

Hemes (S. Diego de Jemes), a large pueblo formed of 5 smaller ones, with 5,000 inhab.; in charge of P. Juan de Jesus.

Alona (Purísima), 24 1. from Acoma, with 2 visitas, called Mazquía and Caquima; 1,500 inhab.; P. Juan de Bal. (Zuñi prov.)

Aguico (Concepcion), 3 1. w. of Alona, with other small pueblos; 1,000 inhab; they revolted in '32, and killed P. Fran. Letrado; in 80 the padre escaped.

Aguatobi (S. Bernardino), in Moqui prov., 26 1. from Zuñi; 800 inhab. converted by P. Fran. de Porras; much pumice stone; P. José de Figueroa, or Concepcion, in '80.

Xongo pabi (S. Bartolomé), 7 1. from A., with a visita called Moxainabi; 500 inhab.; P. José Trujillo in '80.

Oraybi (S. Fran.; others say S. Miguel), farthest w. of the Moqui towns, over 70 1. from Sta Fé; had 14,000 gentiles, but a pestilence consumed them; 1,200 in a visita called Gualpi; PP. José de Espeleta and Agustin de Sta María.

Cochití, 3 1. from Sto Domingo; 300 inhab. of Queres nation; the padre escaped in '80.

Galisteo (Sta Cruz), 61. (from Cochití?), with S. Cristóbal as a visita; 800. inhab. of Tanos nation; here once served P. Antonio de Aranda; in '80 PP. Juan Bernal, custodio, and Domingo de Vera.

Pecos (Porciúncula), on the eastern or Quivira frontier, in a finely wooded country; has a magnificent church with six towers; pop. not given; P. Fern. de Velasco.

S. Márcos, 'on the right toward the N., 5 1. from Sto Domingo; 600 inhab. of Queres nation; 2 visitas, S. Lázaro and Ciénega; P. Manuel Tinoco. Chilili (Natividad), 3 1. from S. Lázaro; 500 Piros, converted by P. Alonso Peinado, who is buried here; this is the 1st pueblo of the Salinas valley.

Quarac (Concepcion), 3 1. from Chilili; 600 Tiguas speaking Piros lang.; converted by P. Perea; here is buried P. Gerónimo de la Llana.

'80.

Taxique (S. Miguel), 2 1. from Quarac; 300 inhab.; the padre escaped in

Abbo (S. Gregorio), in the Salinas valley, which is 10 1. in circum., and produces much excellent salt; 800 inhab.; 2 visitas, Tenabo and Tabira (Gran Quivira?); 15 1. farther east are some Christian Jumanas served by the padre of Quarac; P. Fran. de Acebedo is buried at Abbo.

All the padres named above as serving in '80 were killed in the revolt of that year; the survivors are named in note 5 of the next chapter. See also map in next chapter.

CHAPTER IX.

A DECADE OF FREEDOM.

1680-1691.

CAUSES OF THE REVOLT-RELIGIOUS TYRANNY-THE PATRIOT LEADERS— POPE, CATITI, TUPATÚ, AND JACA-THE KNOTTED CORD THE PLOT REVEALED MASSACRE OF 400 SPANIARDS TWENTY-ONE MARTYR FRIARS-NAMES-SIEGE OF SANTA FÉ-THE GOVERNOR'S VICTORY AND RETREAT-DOWN THE RIO DEL NORTE TO EL PASO-PRESIDIO Del PASO DEL NORTE-POPE'S RULE IN NEW MEXICO-LIBERTY AND ANARCHY-FRUITLESS ENTRADA OF 1681-DESTRUCTION OF THE PUE-THE FAITHFUL TIGUAS OF ISLETA-OTERMIN CENSUREDEVENTS AT EL PASO-MISSION ITEMS-RULE OF CRUZAT AND RENEROS -HUERTA'S PROJECT-BATTLE AT CIA-A NEW GOVERNOR.

BLOS

THE pueblo communities were now to rid themselves for a time of their Spanish masters, whom they regarded as tyrants. Past efforts to shake off their fetters had only shown how tightly they were riveted. They were required to render implicit obedience, and to pay heavy tribute of pueblo products and personal service. Their complaints, however, in this direction are not definitely known. The Spaniards in their later gathering of testimony ignored this element of secular oppression, if, as can hardly be doubted, it existed, and represented the revolt to be founded exclusively, as it was indeed largely, on religious grounds. The New Mexicans seem to have been more strongly attached than most American tribes to their aboriginal faith, and they had secretly continued so far as possible the practice of the old forms of worship. The friars had worked zealously to stamp out every vestige of the native rites; and the authorities had enforced the strictest compliance with Christian regulations, not

CAUSES OF THE PUEBLO REVOLT.

175

hesitating to punish the slightest neglect, unbelief, relapse into paganism, so-called witchcraft, or chafing under missionary rule, with flogging, imprisonment, slavery, or even death. During the past thirty years large numbers of natives had been hanged for alleged sorcery, or communion with the devil, though generally accused also of projected rebellion or plotting with the Apaches. The influence of the native old men, or priests-sorcerers, the Spaniards called them -was still potent; the very superiority of the pueblo organization gave the patriotic conspirators an advantage; past failures had taught caution; and so skilfully was the movement managed that the premature outbreak a few days before the time agreed upon was hardly less successful and deadly than would have been the revolt as planned.1

Pope, connected with a former disturbance and accused of many crimes, was the moving spirit now. He was a San Juan Indian, but made Taos the centre of his efforts. Appealing to the popular superstition as well as patriotism, he claimed to have formed an alliance with the Great Spirit, or El Demonio of the Spaniards; and personally or through his agents and associates chief among whom were Catiti of Santo Domingo, Tupatú of Picurí, and Jaca of Taos-Pope brought into his scheme all the pueblos except those of the Piros in the south, who for some unexplained reason were not invited. The Tanos and the Queres of Ciénega are doubtfully said to have shown some reluctance. A knotted cord was the mysterious calen

Testimony on the causes and methods of the plot was taken from many natives in the next 15 years, and is somewhat voluminously recorded; but I shall make no attempt to present details. There is a general agreement in the evidence, whether it comes from secular or ecclesiastical sources. Notwithstanding past quarrels, the friars seem to have had no charges to make against the gov. and his officers in this matter, all attributing the revolt to demoniac influences on a superstitious and idolatrous people. Sigüenza, Mercurio Volante, 589, tells us that the plot had been brewing for fourteen years. Vetancur, Chron., 103-4, Id., Menol., 119, says it was foretold 6 years in advance by a girl miraculously raised from the dead, who said it was to be due to prevalent lack of respect for the padres. All suits against the friars were thereupon dropped in terror, but it was too late. A friar abroad also foretold the event.

dar sent by swift runners to all the pueblos to make known the date of rising, which seems to have been fixed for the 13th of August, 1680.2

Despite the utmost precautions, however no woman being intrusted with the secret, and Pope killing his own son-in-law on suspicion of treachery

2 Escalante in print makes the date the 18th, but my MS. copy has it 13th, as does Gregg. Davis and Miller, and some of the orig. corresp., make it Aug. 10th, the plot being revealed on the 8th. Otermin's narrative begins abruptly with the 10th, and says nothing of preceding revelations. The knotted cord is mentioned by the original authorities. Davis' explanation, that the knots represented days before the rising, and that each pueblo consenting untied one knot, is not very clear.