of May, they entered the final despoblado; that is, from the region of the modern Phoenix or Florence they entered the mountainous uninhabited tract, their course lying north-eastward, toward Zuñi.

For twelve days Fray Marcos pressed on, following the negro's route, and well supplied with food by the natives accompanying him, until, on the 21st of May, he met one of Estevanico's men returning with the worst of news. On reaching Cibola, instead of the usual welcome, the negro had received an order not to enter the town, on pain of death, being forced to remain with his company in a house outside, without food, and being deprived of all the presents he had received on the journey. Next day, one of the men, going to a stream for water, looked back, and saw the negro running away from pursuers, who killed some of his companions. Then he made haste to inform the friar. Niza's companions were greatly terrified, but went forward at his solicitation; and one day's journey before reaching Cibola, two more of Estevanico's men were met, wounded, and stating that the negro had been killed. Thus perished black Stephen, the discoverer of Arizona.

There were threats among Niza's followers of holding him responsible for the killing of their friends, and the friar said he was willing to die; but through the agency of gifts and threats the excitement was calmed. He then went forward with two chiefs, and from a hill got a glimpse of Cíbola, on a plain at the foot of a round hill, just as the natives had described it, and apparently more populous than Mexico, though said

Castañeda, Relation, 12-13, tells us that Stephen had a weakness for rich gifts, including handsome women; that he made a demand on the Cibolans for their wealth and women; that his claim of being the predecessor of white men who were coming to teach them seemed suspicious, on account of his color; and that they put him to death as a spy sent by enemies coming to subjugate them, releasing his 60 companions, though retaining a few boys. Coronado, Hakluyt, iii. 380, says the Cibolans claimed to have killed him because he killed and violated their women, and was reported to be a 'wicked villain.' One of his comrades, a boy from Petatlan, remained at Cibola, and was found by Coronado. News of Estévan's death was also given to Alarcon, on the Colorado.

RETURN OF FRAY MARCOS.

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to be the smallest of the seven in a province far excelled by others beyond. A cross being erected on a heap of stones, formal possession was taken in Mendoza's name, for the king, of all that region, as the new kingdom of San Francisco. Then Fray Marcos hastened homeward, "con harto mas temor que comida," at the rate of eight or ten leagues per day. In a valley stretching eastward below Vacapa, he saw far off seven 'poblaciones razonables,' and heard that gold was plentiful there, but deemed it best to postpone a closer examination. At Compostela, perhaps in June or July, he reported to the governor, to whom he had before sent messengers from various points; and in August went with Coronado to Mexico, where, on the 2d of September, he formally certified the accuracy of his report.

Cortés claimed that Niza's narrative was fiction, his pretended discoveries resting only on reports of the natives and information derived from Cortés himself; but Don Hernan was not in this instance an impartial critic.10 Coronado and his companions, in their expedition of the next year, disappointed in their expectations, applied some plain terms to certain phases of the friar's misrepresentations. Padre Kino seems to have thought that the Gila ruins might have been Niza's seven cities, and Humboldt partially

• Niza, Descubrimiento de las Siete Ciudades, in Pacheco, Doc., iii. 325–51, including Mendoza's instructions of Nov. '38, and a certificate of P. CiudadRodrigo, the provincial, dated Aug. 26, '39; Ital. transl. in Ramusio, Navig., iii. 356-9; Engl., in Hakluyt's Voy., iii. 366–73; French, in Ternaux-Compans, Voy., série i. tom. ix. 256-84. For a long list of additional references, see Hist. North Mex. St., i. 74–5. A few others are Peralta, Not. Hist., 143-5, 148-9, 341-3; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 398-400; Remesal, Hist. Chyapa, 160-1; Purchas his Pilgrimes, iv. 1560-1; Bandelier's Hist. Introd., 7-9; Prince's Hist. Sk., 96-115; Zamacois, Hist. Mej., iv. 606-9, 652-9; Liceo Mex., ii. 153-6; Burney's Chron. Hist., i. 189-92; Hinton's Handbook, 385–6; Magliano's St Francis, 573-4; Hittell, in Californian, i. 130-5; Poussin, Puissance Amér., i. 340-1; Id., Question de l'Orégon, 18; Id., The U. S., 234; Voyages, Selection, 43; Graham's Discov., 207; Lafond, Voy., i. bk i. 200-1; Cozzens' Marvellous Country, 32; Arizona Hist. (Elliott & Co.), 35-6.

1 Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. xxviii.-ix.; Cortés, Escritos, 299-304; Navarrete, Col. Viages, iv. 209. Cortés says he had tried to enlist the friar's services, imparting with that view what he had learned in the north. He also accused N. of similar treachery in Central and South America,

HIST. ARIZ. AND N. MEX. 3

accepts that view." And most later writers have had occasion to dwell on his gross exaggerations, sometimes indulging in harsher terms. Yet the fact that Coronado, accompanied by Niza to Cíbola in 1540, with all his criticism does not seem to doubt that the friar actually made the trip as he claimed, is, of course, the best possible evidence against the theory that he visited northern Sonora, and imagined the rest. A close examination shows that nearly all the statements most liable to criticism rest solely on the reports of the natives, and only a few, like the visit to the coast, and the actual view of a great city at Cíbola, can be properly regarded as worse than exaggeration. My space does not permit the reproduction of descriptive matter with sufficient fulness to illustrate the author's inaccuracies. Fray Marcos was an imaginative and credulous man, full of faith in northern wonders, zealous for spiritual conquest in a new field, fearful that the great enterprise might be abandoned; hence the general couleur de rose of his statements; hence perhaps a few close approximations to falsehood; but there is no good reason to doubt that he really crossed Sonora and Arizona to the region of Zuñi.

As to his route, so far as details are concerned, the narrative furnishes no foundation for positive theories, though possibly by a reproduction of all the data with carefully prepared topographic maps, obviously impracticable here, approximately accurate results might be reached. As far as the Gila valley, Niza's route was possibly farther west, in part at least, than that of Coronado, to be noticed presently; I have no doubt that it crossed the region between the Pima villages and Florence; and beyond that point the two routes were perhaps nearly identical. I refer the reader also to the map given later in this chapter.

11 Apost. Afanes, 253. 'On est tenté de croire que les ruines des Casas Grandes du Gila....pourraient avoir donné occasion aux contes débitées par le bon père Marcos de Nizza.' Essai Pol., 310. Heylyn, Cosmoy., 967–8, says, 'so disguised in Lyes and wrapped up in fictions that the light was little more than Darkness.' Coronado 'found the Fryer to be a Fryer; nothing of moment true in all his Relations.'

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Preliminary reports of Niza's progress, sent south by the friar and reaching Mexico before July 1539— possibly including an outline of what he said of his discoveries after his return to San Miguel or Compostela-moved Cortés to renewed effort, lest perchance the great northern prize should elude his grasp; for he claimed the exclusive right of conquest in that direction, and had strenuously but vainly opposed Mendoza's act in preparing for an expedition; though be denied that the friar's pretended discoveries had any foundation in truth. He had a fleet ready, and he made haste to despatch three vessels, under the command of Francisco de Ulloa, from Acapulco in July. As this expedition did not reach the territory now under consideration, its results being confined to a survey of the gulf and peninsula coasts, and especially as the voyage has been fully recorded in another volume,12 I do not deem it necessary to say more on the subject here. The viceroy also entered into a contract with Pedro de Alvarado, with a view to northern exploration, but the Mixton war and Alvarado's death prevented any practical results. After protesting and struggling against the new expeditions of 1540, Cortés went to Spain, and appears no more in northern annals.

Another expedition by sea, fitted out by Mendoza to coöperate with that of Coronado on the land, was that of Hernando de Alarcon. This also has been described elsewhere,13 and as an exploration of the gulf requires no further notice in this connection; but in August and September Alarcon made two trips in boats up the Colorado River, which he named the Buena Guia. He possibly passed the mouth of the Gila, though he mentions no such branch; and it may be regarded as probable that he at least passed the Arizona line. This party also heard reports of Cibola, and of Niza's adventures; and near the mouth of the

12 See Hist. North Mex. St., i. 77–82; and on the Alvarado contract, p. 96. 13 Id., i. 90-5.

Colorado they left letters, found a little later by a branch of Coronado's expedition under Melchor Diaz.

Governor Coronado, as we have seen, came to Mexico with Niza, to consult the viceroy and make final arrangements for the conquest of Cibola and its seven cities. The conditions were most favorable; Mendoza was an enthusiastic supporter of the scheme; the friar's tales were eagerly listened to, and often repeated with the usual distortions; an air of secrecy and mystery on the part of Coronado served still further to excite the popular interest; and never since the time of Nuño de Guzman had the response to a call for volunteers been so satisfactory. There was a fever of exploring zeal, and it seemed as if the whole population of Mexico might be easily induced to migrate northward." Niza was made provincial of his order, and the Franciscans became zealous in the cause. A force of 300 Spaniards and 800 Indian allies was easily enlisted. Many of the former were gentlemen of good family and high rank, some of them bound to serve Coronado, who was made captain-general of the expedition, only by their promises as gentlemen. The names of those bearing by actual rank or courtesy the title of captain are given in the appended note.15 In February 1540, the army was at

14 Says Suarez de Peralta, in his Noticias, 143, 148-9: 'Fué de manera la grita, que no se trataba ya de otra cosa... Era tanta la cudicia que á todos puso la nueva de las Siete Ciudades que no solo el virrey y marqués levantaron los pies para yr á ella, sino á toda la tierra, y tanto, que por favor se negociaba el yr los soldados, y sacar liçençia; y era de manera que se vendian, y no pensaba el que la tenia, sino que ya era título por lo menos, porque lo encarecia el frayle que habia venido de allá, de suerte, que dezia ser la mejor cosa que habia en el mundo...Segun el lo pintaba, debia ser el parayso terrenal... En todo esto dijo verdad.'

Pedro de Tobar, standard bearer; Lope de Samaniego, maestro de campo (killed at Chametla); Tristan de Arellano, Pedro de Quevara, GarciLopez de Cárdenas, Juan de Zaldívar, Francisco de Obando, Alonso Manrique de Lara, Gomez Suarez de Sigueroa, Juan de Sotomayor, Juan de Jaramillo, Rodrigo Maldonado, Diego Lopez, Diego Gutierrez; Pablo Melgosa de Búrgos, com. of the infantry; Hernando de Alvarado, com. of the artillery; Francisco de Barrio-nuevo, Melchor Diaz, Juan Gallegos, Lope de Urrea, Luis Ramirez de Vargas, Francisco Garbolan; Ribero, factor; Viliega. Castañeda gives some information respecting the family and rank of several of these officers.