of soil, climate, and natural productions; but the people had no knowledge of the precious metals; and even in their reports of large tribes beyond, there was but slight indication of either wealth or civilization. Moreover, El Turco now confessed that all his tales had been lies; but he claimed to have told them at the instigation of the people of Cicuye that the Spaniards might be led far out into the plains, to perish or to be so reduced in strength that on their return they might be easily vanquished. Having put the Turk to death, the general returned by a more direct route to Cicuye, where Arellano came to meet him, and thence to Tiguex.

Coronado and his associates believed Quivira to be in latitude 40°, and about 200 leagues north-east of Tiguex. There is nothing in the Spaniards' descriptions of the region, or of the journey, to shake confidence in Simpson's conclusion that it was in the modern Kansas, between the Arkansas and Missouri rivers; yet on the other hand, it is quite possible that, as Bandelier is inclined to think, Coronado travelled more in a circle, and did not go so far to the north; and elsewhere in recording Texan annals of the next century, I have said that "it is to the east and southeast of Santa Fé, to the Indian Territory and Texas of modern maps, that we must look for the scene of Spanish explorations in this century, and that there is no need of placing Quivira in the far north-east or beyond the Missouri, as many writers are fond of doing." It is not, however, of much importance in connection with the history of New Mexico to fix definitely the location of this wigwam province, even if it were possible. Several writers, misled by the name-including rather strangely Davis, who was

18 Hist. North Mex. St., i. 391, and preceding pages. In the earliest editions of the Native Races, iv. 672, I carelessly said, Quivira, if not one of the Pueblo towns of the Rio Grande, was at least not more distant than the region of the S. Juan or its tributaries, having then in mind the popular idea of Q. as a great town, and not the statements of the original records. In later issues the statement has been changed.

EXPLORATIONS ON THE RIO GRANDE.

63

well acquainted with the geography of the country-have fallen into the blunder of identifying Quivira with the ruins of Gran Quivira of mixed Spanish and native origin at a much later date, and situated only two or three days' journey south of east from Tiguex.10 Meanwhile Captain Arellano made preparations for passing a second winter at Tiguex, meeting with many difficulties on account of the continued hostility of the people, who still refused to occupy their towns. Areİlano also caused some further explorations to be made. Captain Barrio-nuevo was sent up the valley northward. First he visited the province of Hemes, or Jemes, with seven towns, one of which in the same region still retains the name.20 The inhabitants of this province submitted, and furnished supplies; but not so those of another province of Yuque-Yunque, who abandoned their two fine towns on the river and fled to the mountains, where they had four others strongly fortified in places difficult of access; yet a store of food was left in the deserted villages, with fine earthen-ware, and glazing that indicated the probable existence of silver mines. Twenty leagues farther up the river this party came to a large town built on both banks of the stream, with wooden bridges connecting the two parts, and with the largest estufas yet seen. Its name was Braba; the Spaniards called it

21

19 Prince, 138-40, does not follow Davis in this instance, believing that the army reached the cañons of the Canadian branches, and that Coronado reached Kansas.

2 Castañeda, 138, says that B. went up the river northward and visited Hemes; but on p. 168 he says that Hemes was 7 1. N. E. of Tiguex (or perhaps from Quirix). This is the chief support of those who put Tiguex on the Puerco, but I have no doubt it is an error for N. w. According to Bandelier, 23, 109-10, the Pecos language was spoken at Jemes, and the original pueblo was at the S. Diego ruins, 13 miles N. of the present site. This author also includes in this Jemes group the prov. of Aguas Calientes, with 3 pueblos mentioned but not located by Castañeda, 182. I know of no special reason for or against this latter identification, except that Ojos Calientes, or Aguas Cal., is applied on some modern maps to ruins N. of Jemes.

21 Yuque-Yunque is identified by Bandelier, 18, 23-4, with the Tehua group N. of Sta Fé, including S. Ildefonso, S. Juan, Sta Clara, Pujuaque, Nambé, and Tesuque. In strong confirmation of this, I note that S. Juan, or S. Gabriel, the capital of N. Mex. in the early years of the 17th century, is called in Escalante, Carta, 116, S. Gabriel del Yunque. The later Cuyamunque may also have some connection with this name.

23

22

Valladolid; and its identity with Taos can hardly be questioned. Leaving the northern country in peace, Barrio-nuevo returned down the valley to Tiguex. Another officer was despatched down the river to explore its lower branches, as mentioned by the people of Tutahaco. He advanced eighty leagues southward, to a place where the river disappeared underground, to appear again below, as the natives said, larger than ever. Somewhere on the way, but not necessarily at the southern limit of the exploration, they found four large villages, whose people offered no resistance. These were the southernmost pueblos, and may be identified with those of the Piros in the Socorro region, abandoned during the wars of the next century. This concludes the list of the New Mexican pueblos visited by Coronado or his officers, most of which, as we have seen, can be identified, in groups at least, with reasonable accuracy. It is noticeable, however, that the group between Zuñi and Tiguex, represented by Laguna, Cebolleta, Moquino, and Pujuaque, is not mentioned, and as a matter of fact, these pueblos did not exist till much later.

23

24

After these explorations had been accomplished,

22 Braba is written also Yuraba. Castañeda, 139, says that Alvarado had visited this town on his 1st trip to Cicuye, which hardly seems probable. On p. 182 he says Braba was the last province toward the N. E., up the valley, and had but one town. In the Rel. del Suceso, Yuraba is mentioned as the northern limit of exploration, the largest pueblo in the country, with some 15,000 inhab., and differing somewhat from the others in its construction. The distance of 20 1. from the Tehua towns is sufficiently accurate. Castañeda, 168, mentions a province of Acha, 40 1. N. E. of Tiguex; but in his summary, 182, this prov. is not named. This leaves us to suppose either that Acha and Braba were the same, or to follow Bandelier, 23, in identifying Acha with Picuries. B. also notes, 109-10, 120, that from Taos in the N. to Isleta in the south, including Picuríes, S. Cristóbal, Sandía, and Galisteo, the same language was spoken, that of the Tanos.

23 The distance would carry the party nearly down to lat. 33°, and below the limit of the pueblo-town region. Of course this distance would be absurd if applied to the Puerco. The sinking of the river has not been very satisfactorily explained, except as nearly all streams in this region are swallowed up in the sand at certain dry seasons. See Simpson's Coronado's March, 323, with quot. from Gallatin and Humboldt on this subject.

24 Bandelier, 24, who notes that Senecú, farther s., was a Piros pueblo founded under Span. auspices in 1630.

25 In his summary, Castañeda, 179-82, mentions 6 pueblos in the snowy mountains; but the refererce would seem to be to the Cicuye, or Pecos, re

Captain Arellano set out with forty horsemen to meet the general on his return from Quivira, having a fight with the natives of Cicuye, where Coronado soon joined him. The report from Quivira was a bitter disappointment. For some unexplained reason, the guide Xabe had remained with the army, and he maintained to the last the truth of what had been said of gold and silver in his country, rejoicing at the approach of Coronado to confirm his statements, and correspondingly disappointed at the actual result. His words and manner had great influence on the army, which had unwillingly parted from the general in the east. Many of the officers and soldiers did not believe that he had made so long a march, or so thorough a search as he pretended; even the commander and his companions evidently still retained some hope of eventual success in the north-east; and these circumstances partially account for the grand rôle subsequently played by Quivira in the imagination of explorers, writers, and map-makers. The plan was to undertake a new expedition out into the plains in the spring of 1542, as the rainy season had already begun. Just as the army was going into winter quarters at Tiguex, Captain Tobar returned from Sonora with half the force that had been stationed at San Gerónimo. By this party Captain Cárdenas, who had broken an arm, received news that called him to Spain, and soon started with a few others, carrying Coronado's letter of October 20th to the king.

The winter was for the most part an uneventful

but there was considerable suffering, especially for want of clothing, as the natives were still hostile and refused to reoccupy their towns or to furnish supplies. Therefore the soldiers became discontented, and there was much disagreement between the general, officers, and gentlemen about the distribution of such food and clothing as remained. At the approach of spring, when preparations for a new expedition had been far -advanced, Coronado, while engaged in a tournament

HIST. ARIZ. AND N. MEX. 5

on a day of festival, was thrown by the breaking of a girth, and received from Maldonado's horse a kick on the head. He was seriously injured and long confined to his bed. After partial recovery he had a dangerous relapse, caused by the return of Cárdenas with news that the Sonora colonists had been massacred by Indians. Superstition also had its influence on his weakened mind; for a necromancer in Spain had long ago predicted for him a brilliant career in a distant land, to be terminated by a fall that would cause his death. The prevailing discontent among officers and men tended greatly to increase the leader's despondency and his desire to return that he might die near his wife and children. 26 The soldiers at last presented, or were induced to present, a petition for return; it was decided in a council of officers to grant the petition, abandoning further attemps at conquest; and the corresponding orders were issued; some of the gentlemen officers opposed this resolution, and others soon repented of their vote; but apparently a majority, including the general, though willing to shirk responsibility, were not really desirous of remaining; and notwithstanding the alleged protests of many, and their demands to be allowed to continue the enterprise with a part of the army, Coronado refused to modify his plans, and even remained in his tent, pretending to be in worse health than he really was, in order to escape the importunities of his associates.

Fray Juan de Padilla and Padre Luis, a lay brother, resolved to remain in the country and make an attempt to convert the natives of Cicuye and Quivira. An escort was furnished as far as Cicuye, where Padre Luis remained; while Fray Juan, accompanied by a Portuguese named Campo, a negro, a mestizo, and a few Mexican Indians, pressed on to Quivira. Subsequently some sheep were sent to Brother Luis, and the messengers reported him as saying that he had

26 He had shortly before married a daughter of the treasurer, Alonso de Estrada. Mendoza's letter of '37 in Florida, Col. Doc., i. 128–9; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq. Mex., 235.