that such an establishment should be located at Austin, where its benefits can be most advantageously combined with those of other departments of the university, so that the students need not go elsewhere to reach first-class facilities for the highest scientific as well as literary attainments.

CONTRASTED UNIVERSITY FACILITIES.

With all the university's resources, Texas legislators are in error if they think that it is endowed, as it can and should be, to compete with other prominent institutions of the country, much less with those of Europe; nor should they fail to realize that without relatively adequate endowment and facilities at their home institution Texas students, girls as well as boys, will continue to be attracted abroad in quest of the highest university advantages, taking with them hundreds of thousands of dollars out of the State annually for the expenses of their education. Nor should the people generally sup pose for a moment that their university, with all the grandly planned resources, is rich, or even comparable in equipment with other firstclass universities. Let them reflect, for instance, upon the fact of a single outlay of some $2,000,000 for a free museum of art and science for the University of Pennsylvania, not to mention other comparatively grand outfits of various other universities. And as to European institutions, "How many of our people," says a distinguished university president, "know that one of the minor universities of Great Britain has recently completed a collegiate building at a cost of $2,430,000, not to speak of the $4,000,000 that were put in the polytechnicum at Charlottenburg? Let us remember," he adds, "that the richest of our educational institutions has an income not much larger than that of a single one of the 24 colleges constituting the University of Oxford."

THE UNIVERSITY IN POLITICS.

In the report to Governor Roberts prepared by Col. Ashbel Smith, as president of the board of regents, in January, 1883, a few months after the first university faculty had been completed and the institution was in operation, temporarily occupying rooms in the State capitol, are given the following interesting statements and reflections upon the political questions affecting the university:

The convention which met last August proclaimed the principles of the Democratic party, expressed their wishes, and threw forth to the world their mandate in the Democratic platform. That mandate concerning the university is in these words (articles 9 and 10 of the platform):

"ART. 9. We declare that a liberal provision should be made to endow with the public lands set apart for the payment of the public debt, or the proceeds of the

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sales of the same, the State University and its branches. * We further declare that the debts due the university and common-school funds of Texas denominated as of 'doubtful validity' should be recognized and paid with the interest due thereon.

"ART. 10. We favor the fullest education of the masses, white and colored, in separate common schools, and the advanced education of the youths of our country in our higher schools and State University.”

The report adds:

The platform rebukes the assurance of individuals who affect to be wiser than the people by saying that the time has not come for establishing a university of the first class. By connecting in one sentence and one common view common schools and the university, it rebukes the shallow judgment which fancies that there is inconsistency or rivalry in fostering at the same time common schools and the university. The people of Texas command in their constitution that the legislature shall establish a university of the first class. The great Democratic party, speaking for the entire State, embracing the wise and good of all political parties, in these articles of their platform declare that the time is now come and demand to establish now such university of the first class. The means to carry their will into effect lie idle in the treasury, and their use for this noble purpose will not add one cent to the public taxes. The people will take no educational starveling, no institution big in name but meager in performance. They demand a university to be now organized in a manner and on a basis soon to be developed into an institution on the high level of the foremost institutions of knowledge in the whole world; a university whose instruction, absolutely free, shall offer to every child in the State, poor or rich, that knowledge which is power to the individual, and, in the aggregate, power inherent and indefeasible to the magnificent imperial State of Texas.

Several years later Dr. T. D. Wooten in his report, as president of the board, made to Governor Ireland, alludes to the action of the dominant political party in the State as follows:

In conclusion, the regents take pleasure in calling attention to the action of the Democratic convention convened at Galveston August 12, 1886. That imposing body of representative men, with singular unanimity, adopted the following as a plank in the Democratic State platform: "We congratulate the people of Texas upon the successful establishment of our State University, and we recommend the enactment of legislation to remove the same, as far as possible, from all political influences, and that its properties and revenues shall be strictly guarded, increased, and fostered so far as it can be done without taxation upon the people."

It is believed that every request made in this report is in strict conformity in letter and spirit with the action of the Galveston convention. The incorporation of the board of regents will remove the university, "as far as possible, from all political influences," and the repayment of the money advanced to the Prairie View Normal School, the repayment of the money borrowed by the State from the university, the recognition of the warrants received in payment for university lands, the confirmation of the State's title for the benefit of the university where the same is in dispute, and the investment of the regency with the right to make absolute leases and sales of the university lands, are all in harmony with the platform when it declares that "its [the university's] properties and revenues shall be strictly guarded, increased, and fostered." The regents furthermore believe that every request in this report can be granted "without taxation upon the people." Nothing has been asked for except such things as have previously been granted or such as follow logically from previous grants.

STATE SOVEREIGNTY AND LIBERALITY.

Certainly the sovereignty of this great State should be more earnestly invoked through the legislature to take the university more fully to heart as a "child of the State" and provide by special act, or by constitutional amendment if necessary, to make its endowment more fruitful and actively available, either, as suggested, by establishing a university tax, granting additional lands, or a certificate of indebtedness, or by issuing for the university's benefit, say, three or four or even five million dollars 5 per cent twenty to fifty year bonds and holding the university lands in trust for the interest and sinking fund and eventual payment of the bonds by means of the increased value of the lands. Thus secured by the pledge of 2,000,000 acres, leased as they could be at 3 cents an acre, and producing an annual revenue of $60,000, no better security could be offered for investment. The State would not have to pay the bonds, and the institution will be at once provided with available funds ample, with other university resources, for the establishment of all departments necessary to make it "a first-class university;" and in the meantime its lands will have been reserved from sale till their triple and possibly quadruple enhancement in value will make them the source of large available revenues and a most magnificent fund for the university's permanent endowment. Thus without outlay from the State the university, instead of being, as claimed, "land poor" on account of the sluggish availability of its resources, would be "land rich," and would at once be constituted the crowning glory of the State's grand educational system.

In the main, it will be seen that Texas has been fairly liberal in the promotion of public education, and, according to official records, the State now pays annually over $4,000,000 for the expenses of her public schools and education of her children. Still, much remains to be done to fully and wisely utilize existing resources, more especially those of the university, to keep the State in pace with educational progress generally and in line with her natural importance as the great Empire State of the South, and eventually, perhaps, of the Union.

Chapter II.

PUBLIC EDUCATION AND FREE SCHOOLS.

Interest in education dates far back in the history of Texas, involving the work of the missionary with that of the soldier and civilian in the gradual rapprochement to higher civilization and modern methods of government. The period during which the Spaniards occupied the territory, from 1690 until the Mexican revolution in 1820, known as the "Mission period," was remarkable for the efforts of the Jesuits, in which they were as aggressive as they were zealous to establish their settlements for the education as well as conversion of the Indians. From 1690 to 1820, 1836, 1845, and 1876 are marked periods in the history of Texas. Beginning with the Mission period, they embrace the Texas revolution up to the declaration of independence of the Republic of Texas in 1836, the passing of the Republic to American statehood in 1845, the existence of the State government as affected by secession and rehabilitation following the civil war up to 1876, when the present organic law went into operation.

THE REPUBLIC OF TEXAS.

In 1827 the Mexican State of Coahuila and Texas was organized, part of which in 1836 established its independence as the Republic of Texas and in 1845 was admitted into the American Union; with reserved control, however, of almost all of its public domain, from which large provision has been made by landed endowment for the purposes of education.

The constitution of the Mexican State provided as follows:

In all the towns of the State a suitable number of primary schools shall be established, wherein shall be taught reading, writing, and arithmetic, the catechism of the Christian religion, a brief and simple explanation of the constitution of the State and that of the Republic, the rights and duties of man in society, and whatever else may conduce to the better education of youth. The seminaries most required for affording the public the means of instruction in the sciences and arts useful to the State, and wherein the constitution shall be fully explained, shall be established in suitable places, and in proportion as circumstances go on permitting. The method of teaching shall be uniform throughout the State, and with this view also, to facilitate the same, Congress shall form a general plan of education and regulate, by means of statutes and laws, all that pertains to this most important subject.

COLONIZATION GRANTS.

Colonization being desired, not only for the settlement and improvement of the country, but also for protection from the Indians, offers to colonies of large grants of land in Mexican leagues, some of them eleven leagues each as offered by the new Republic, naturally attracted numerous settlers from the American States, a league being 4,428 acres quite enough to excite the spirit of adventurous Americans. As a result of their settlements the bold and considerate pioneers soon began to organize schools as well as churches as necessary means for the instruction and moral training of their children. The first American school was opened in 1828 in the settlement known as San Antonio de Bexar, but was under Spanish supervision, and a Spanish school was established about the same time in the same settlement.

RAISING SCHOOL FUNDS.

As the American population increased, the government of the Mexican State was prompted to issue a decree in 1829 for raising funds for the establishment of schools in each department-Bexar, Brazos, and Nacogdoches-to be conducted on the Lancastrian or student monitor system, in which the public were to be taught "in reading, writing, arithmetic, the dogmas of the Catholic religion, and all of Akerman's catechisms of arts and sciences." The salary of the teacher of each school was fixed at $800, and the general school expenses were provided for by creating a fund in the capital of each department, to be supplemented, when necessary, by loans from municipal funds, and even further, if needed, by loans of State rents, subject to be restored to the State agents. This was virtually the beginning of a publicschool system, though not entirely of free schools, as gratis tuition was allowed to not over five indigent students in each school, the charge for other pupils being $14 a year while learning the first rudiments till they commenced to write, and $18 a year for the rest of their attendance. Another provision was that each student educated in the "establishment" was required on leaving to pay $10 "gratitude money, for rewarding the teacher at the end of his contract." It was subsequently temporarily provided that until the Lancastrian schools got into operation the teacher's pay should be but $500 a year and $6 per pupil for gratitude money. The Lancastrian system, however, was not a success, and in 1830 the legislature provided for the organization of six additional schools.

THE SCHOOLS NOT SATISFACTORY.

For some reason, mainly perhaps because the tuition in English was not on a par with that in Spanish, the Texas portion of the people became dissatisfied and held a convention in 1832 at San Felipe de Austin, which, though strongly denounced by the Castilian population