CONSTITUTION, Section 122.

Papuan Credit Balance.

66 TERRITORIES.”

The Minister for Home and Territories (Mr. GLYNN) has received a report from Papua regarding the receipts and expenditure for the year ended on March 31. The total revenue, including about £19,000 carried forward from the previous year, amounted to £84,852, while the expenditure was £75,110. The year, therefor, ended with a credit balance of £9,742. By a policy of economy, expenditure was kept down £12,000 below the estimates. The shortage of shipping owing to the War affected the Customs and excise duty considerably. Despite this, 1,214 tons of copra, valued at £24,279, was exported for the six months ended December 1918. The production of gold in the Samarai district showed an increase of about £5,000, and that of pearl showed an increase of nearly £10,000 The Argus, 26th June 1919.

END OF THE GREAT WAR.

The Great War terminated in the Armistice agreed to on 5th November 1918, and in the Treaty of Peace with Germany which was signed at Versailles on 28th June 1919.

At the Peace Conference in Paris the Commonwealth of Australia was ably represented by the Right Hon. Wм. M. HUGHES, M.P., Prime Minister, and the Right Hon. Sir JOSEPH COOK, M.P., Minister for the Navy.

The peace delegates returned to Australia, arriving in Fremantle on the 23rd August 1919.

In the House of Representatives, Melbourne, on 10th of Septimber, 1919, Mr. HUGHES laid on the table a copy of the Treaty of Peace with Germany, and he moved that the House approves of the Treaty." He also stated that he desired to move the following additional resolution :

That this House approves the Treaty made at Versailles on 28th June 1919, between His Majesty the King and the President of the French Republic, whereby in case the stipulations relating to the left bank of the Rhine, contained in the Treaty of Peace with Germany, signed at Versailles on the 28th day of June 1919, by the British Empire, the French Republic and the United States of America, among other Powers, may not at first provide adequate security and protection to France, Great Britain agrees to come immediately to her assistance in the event of an unprovoked movement of aggression against her being made by Germany."

By the adoption of the Treaty and its legalization by the British Parliament, the Commonwealth of Australia will acquire a large addition to its legislative powers and its extra-territorial jurisdiction.

The interests of the Commonwealth in the Peace Treaty are represented mainly by the mandates to be given to it to take over and govern the Pacific Islands between the north-eastern coast of the Continent and the Equator, except Somoa, which goes to New Zealand. The islands of which Australia is to be the guardian and custodian under the League of Nations are:

1. German New Guinea, adjoining the north of British New Guinea.

2. The Bismarck Archipelago and neighbouring islands.

3. The German Solomons.

The nearest of these islands are within eighty miles of the coast of Australia, and they could be used as a dangerous base by any hostile power in possession thereof.

Hence the Australian representatives at the Peace Conference had no hesitation in strongly opposing these islands being given back to Germany or that they should be an open door for both men and goods. Australia will receive these islands, not by way of annexation or in absolute sovereignty, but in trust for the League of Nations, and subject to certain conditions and limitations. The Parliament of Australia is to have the right to make laws for the peace, order, and good government of these islands. The only restrictions are that there shall be no sale of fire-arms to the natives, except for their self-defence; that there shall be no sale of alcohol to the natives; that there shall be no fortifications or armaments built thereon, and that the natives shall be free and not liable to the slave trade.

The guarantees of a White Australia are regarded by Mr. HUGHES as amongst the greatest of Australia's gains by the Treaty of Peace, and the Parliament and the public of Australia confirm this view.

A feature of Mr. HUGHES splendid speech was his generous tribute to our brave ally, Japan, and the re-assertion of the assurance that, whilst Australia fully recognized Japanese racial equality and earnestly desired the maintenance of friendly relations and national friendship, there is, at the same time, a wide difference between the national, ethnic, and domestic ideals of Australia and Japan.

Some of the details of the "islands' mandates" have not yet been disclosed. It may be assumed that in order to give the Commonwealth Parliament jurisdiction to pass the necessary laws for the government of the islands, they will have to be placed by the King under the authority of, and accepted by the Commonwealth within the meaning of the Constitution, section 122, or it may be that Imperial legislation will define the power and authority of the Commonwealth and give it the necessary extra-territorial jurisdiction.

In introducing the Peace Treaty and moving its ratification Mr. HUGHES delivered an historic speech which thrilled the House, and made a profound impression equal to the magnitude of the subject and the momentous character of the occasion.

us.

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In order that Australia may be safe-guarded," said Mr. HUGHES, it is necessary that the great rampart of islands around the north-east of Australia should be held by us, or by some power in whom we have absolute confidence. When the Armistice terms were decided on 5th November I protested because that national safety was not guaranteed. There was no assurance that possession of these islands would be vested in us. We sought to impress upon the Conference and the Council of Ten the position as we saw it. May I say that one of the most striking facts in this world conference was the appalling ignorance of every nation of the affairs of every other nation, of its geographical and its racial problems, and its history, condition and traditions. It was difficult to make the Council of Ten realise how utterly the safety of Australia depended upon the possession of these islands. Perhaps here, amongst Australians, there are very few who realise that New Guinea is itself greater in size than Cuba, the Philippines and Japan all rolled into one. Those who hold New Guinea hold Our coast line is so vast that to circumnavigate Australia is a voyage as great as from here to England. No 5,000,000 of people can possibly hold this Continent when 80 miles off there is a potential enemy. It would be impossible. Stretching out from New Guinea there are hundreds of other islands, every one of which is a point of vantage from which Australia could be attacked. We sought to obtain direct control of these islands, but President Wilson's Fourteen Points forbade that, and, after a long fight, the principle of the mandates was accepted. Then the nature of the fight changed, and since the mandatory principle was, willy nilly, forced upon us, we had to see that the form of the mandate was such that was consistent, not only with our national safety, but with our economic and general welfare. At first two principles arose, to which I direct your attention. One is the open door. It was sought to couple this mandate with the condition of an open door for man and goods. It is undesirable, for many reasons, that I should dwell very long on that, but I ask my fellow citizens throughout Australia to realize what that means. From within 80 miles of us there could come pouring down those who, when the hour should strike, could pounce on us on the mainland."

"We fought against the open door, and a mandate was at length obtained in the form in which it now stands. We have the same right to make laws over the islands as we have over the mainland. (Hear, hear). We have really far more rights to make laws there than we have here. We have the same rights there as the States had before Federation, subject only to four reservations. There can be no sale of firearms to the natives; we may not sell alcohol to the natives; we cannot raise any fortifications, and there cannot be any slavery. Those were things that we entirely endorsed, and there was no limiting the sovereign power necessary to our

salvation. The mandate has been bestowed upon us definitely. The terms of it have not yet been approved by the Council of Five, but that is a formal matter, and I am authorized to say that the terms are as I have stated."

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The next point to be dealt with is that which we call the White Australia' policy (Hear, hear). Members who have travelled in the East and in Europe will be able to understand with what difficulty this world gathering of men, representing both coloured and partly coloured peoples, was able to appreciate this ideal of 5,000,000 people who had dared to say over a great Continent that this was not only theirs, but none should enter in except such as they chose. (Hear, hear). Therefore, perhaps, the greatest thing we have achieved in such circumstances, in such an assembly, was the principle of a white Australia.' (Hear, hear). Here I speak for most, if not all, of the people of Australia. (Cheers). There are some at the two extremes of the poles of political opinion who do not hold these views, but thank God they are few in numbers, and, I hope, of limited influence. (Hear, hear). This is the foundation of all that Australia has fought for. This is the only part of the Empire or of the world in which there is so little admixture of races. In England and France you may hear men in adjoining counties or provinces speak different dialects, and in the case of France, unable to understand each other, but in no part of Australia can you distinguish one Australian from another by his speech. We are more British than Britain, and we hold firmly to this great principle of a white Australia' because we know what we know, and because we have liberty and we believe in our race and in ourselves, and in our capacity to achieve our great destiny. (Cheers). Our destiny is to hold this great Continent in trust for those who will come after us, and we must stand to those who have stood by us in the great battle for freedom. You can do what you please with it, but we have achieved this victory, and brought this principle out of the Conferences. (Cheers). There are many difficulties. The first amendment of the Japanese delegation proposed that, equality of the nations being a basic principle of the League of Nations, no distinctions should be made in law or fact because of race or nationality. I am entitled to tell you something of the story of this struggle for a White Australia.' This amendment was put forward in a dozen different ways, and modified again and again. Pressure was brought in this direction and that. It was so modified that at last it applied only to alien nationals in this country. We were asked to extend to them only those rights. I said then, speaking for Australia, that I would not consent to it, no matter what they put there." (Cheers).

The Treaties were approved almost unanimously by both Houses of the Commonwealth Parliament. An Act was passed ratifying an Agreement with Great Britain and New Zealand to share in the mandate over the rock phosphate island of Nauru in the South Pacific Ocean, a few miles south of the Equator.

RECENT AMENDMENTS OF THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.

The following are the latest Amendments of the Constitution of the United States :

ARTICLE XVII.

ELECTION OF SENATORS.

Providing for the direct choice of United States Senators by the people, was declared in force May 31st, 1913.

1. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators from each State, elected by the people thereof, for six years; and each Senator shall have one vote. The electors in each

State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislatures.

2. When vacancies happen in the representation of any State in the Senate, the executive authority of such State shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies: Provided, that the Legislature of any State may empower the Executive thereof to make temporary appointment until the people fill the vacancies by election as the Legislature may direct.

3. This amendment shall not be so construed as to affect the election or term of any Senator chosen before it becomes valid as part of the Constitution.

ARTICLE XVIII.

LIQUOR PROHIBITION AMENDMENT.

1ST AUGUST 1917.

The Prohibition Amendment resolution passed by Congress reads:

"Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled (two-thirds of each House concurring therein) that the following Amendment to the Constitution be, and hereby is, proposed to the States, to become valid as a part of the Constitution when ratified by the Legislatures of the several States as provided by the Constitution :

"ARTICLE.

"Section 1. After one year from the ratification of this article the manufacture, sale, or transportation of intoxicating