States. Haiti and Venezuela alone were not represented. The subjects discussed were similar to and indeed largely identical with those of the preceding congress. A resolution was adopted instructing representatives of American republics at the next World's Peace Congress at The Hague to seek the making of a general arbitration treaty "so effective and definite that, meriting the approval of the civilized world, it shall be accepted and put in force by every nation." With reference to the collection of international debts, it recommended that the next Hague congress be asked to take steps toward abolishing the employment of force in such processes.

The fourth Pan-American Conference was held at Buenos Aires in July and August, 1910. It had been suggested that it should make a general declaration in confirmation and support of the Monroe Doctrine, but the conference prudently decided not to take that matter up at all. Questions discussed were the compulsory arbitration of pecuniary claims, the sanitation and sanitary regulation of seaports, extension of steamship service among American countries, patents, trademarks, copyright, and interchange of university professors. It was decided that the International Bureau of the American Republics, at Washington, should thereafter be called the Pan-American Union.

A

NEW era in American relations with China began coincidently with the outbreak of the Civil War in the United States. After the evacuation of Peking by the Allies in 1860 the Chinese government recognized the necessity of placing its diplomatic relations upon a new basis, more in accord with the spirit of those other nations with which it was coming into increasingly intimate contact. Thitherto the transaction of business with all foreign powers had been entrusted to the yamen or board which dealt with such tributary states as Annam and Korea. This was offensive to the representatives of Europe and the United States, who insisted that there should be a department of the Chinese government constituted expressly to conduct needed negotiations with sovereign powers, and as a result of their urgings and of the harsh lessons of the invasion and occupation of the capital, a new board, known as the Tsung-li Yamen, or foreign office, was created in 1860. Its first head was Prince Kung, an uncle of the infant emperor; a man of high intelligence and of more liberal and advanced views than most Chinese statesmen of his time. Another member of the board was Kwei-Liang, an accomplished diplomat who had conducted the negotiations at Tientsin in 1858. The third member, who soon became the most influential of all and for years practically controlled the foreign affairs of the empire, was Wen Si-ang, a Manchu nobleman; who surpassed even Prince Kung in his enlightened desire to place China by the side of America and Europe in civilization and in international relations.

The representative of the United States who was sent to deal with this distinguished body was one of the most worthy and most memorable figure in all the annals of American diplomacy in the Far East. Anson Burlingame had for years been a rep

resentative in Congress from Massachusetts and had ranked among the ablest members of that body. A few years before his appointment to the Chinese mission he was brought into special prominence by his chivalrous conduct in the SumnerBrooks episode. Brooks, a South Carolina representative, had committed a violent and nearly fatal assault upon Charles Sumner in the senate chamber, and his Southern friends boasted that no "Yankee" would dare to resent it. Burlingame did resent it, in a speech which purposely stung Brooks into challenging the orator to a duel-of course, with the expectation that Burlingame would decline. But to Brooks's dismay Burlingame promptly accepted, and named rifles as the weapons to be used. With that arm Burlingame was known to be expert, and there was little doubt that he meant to kill Brooks. The latter therefore deemed it the part of discretion to back out of the encounter on a specious pretense; the net result being to brand him as a poltroon and to make Burlingame the hero of the militant North. When Lincoln came to the Presidency in 1861 he appointed Burlingame to be minister to Austria, but when the envoy reached Paris on his way to Vienna he was met with news that the Austrian court would probably decline to receive him because of his outspoken sympathy with Kossuth and the Hungarians some years before, and also with Victor Emmanuel and Garibaldi in Italy. At that Lincoln transferred him to the Chinese mission.

Burlingame went to China with reluctance, wishing to remain where he would be closer to the great events which were in progress in America. But the sequel showed that it was really providential for him to be accredited to China, since he did a work there which no other man might have been able to do. His winning personality quickly ingratiated him with the Chinese ministers as also with the diplomatic representatives of the other powers, while his commanding ability gave him leadership and success in all his negotiations. He had, moreover, a particularly friendly feeling for the Chinese and was notably devoid of racial prejudice. His first efforts were, therefore, to secure with his colleagues agreement upon "a policy of coöperation-an effort to substitute fair diplomatic action in China for force." His idea was that on all matters of common interest the representatives

of the powers should take joint and identical action, and that at the same time they should pledge themselves to respect the territorial integrity of China and its sovereignty, and not to meddle in the internal affairs of that empire. This was a logical precursor of the policy of "the open door, equality of opportunity, and maintenance of sovereignty and territorial integrity" which was put forward by John Hay many years later. It was largely successful in Burlingame's time, and it was highly appreciated by the Chinese government, as was soon shown in an extraordinary manner. That was when the Confederate cruiser Alabama appeared in Asian waters, destroying American commerce. Burlingame called the attention of the Chinese government to her character and to the destructive nature of her errand; whereupon that Government at once issued a decree forbidding the Alabama to enter any Chinese port or to receive from China any supplies.

Another incident revealed the liberal spirit of the Chinese government at that time and its strong inclination toward America. Years before a prominent Chinese scholar and statesman, Sen Ki-yu, had written a book about America, based upon information received from travelers, in which he paid a notable tribute to the greatness of Washington. For this he had been severely punished by the intolerant Government at that time, being removed from office as governor of a province and degraded in rank. But now he was recalled to public life and was appointed a member of the Tsung-li Yamen. Burlingame reported this to the Government at Washington, and in consequence Seward, the secretary of state, had a portrait of Washington painted and sent it for Burlingame to present publicly to Sen.

After six years of highly profitable service at Peking, during which cordial friendship remained unbroken between the two countries, Burlingame desired to return home in order to reënter American political life. When he made this announcement to the Chinese government, great regret was expressed, and the Tsung-li Yamen arranged an impressive ceremony of farewell. At that gathering Wen Si-ang observed that Burlingame might render a very great service to China by making some friendly representations in her behalf at the European capitals which he

passed through on his way home. To this Burlingame readily assented, whereupon Wen Si-ang, thanking him, expressed a wish that he might accept a commission as the official envoy of the Chinese government. Burlingame "repulsed the suggestion playfully" and turned the conversation to other topics. But, realizing that Wen Si-ang had been very much in earnest, and being himself impressed with the great possibilities of such a mission, he presently reported the matter to Robert Hart, the Englishman who was then and for many years afterward at the head of the imperial customs service of China, and asked him his opinion concerning it. Hart was favorably impressed, and at once undertook to negotiate with the Chinese government for the realization of the plan. The other foreign ministers at Peking also approved it and promised Burlingame their support.

The result was that the emperor in November, 1867, issued an edict, engrossed on yellow silk and sealed with the imperial seal, which was probably the most concise document of its kind ever seen in the world. It said, without prelude or flourish:

"The Envoy, Anson Burlingame, manages affairs in a friendly and peaceful manner, and is fully acquainted with the general relations between this and other countries. Let him, therefore, now be sent to all the treaty powers as the High Minister, empowered to attend to every question arising between China and those countries. This from the Emperor."

Burlingame was created a mandarin of the first rank, and with him were associated two mandarins of the second rank, and a number of secretaries, translators, and clerks, and thus organized the legation set forth to visit the nations of the western world. Instead of going by the way of Europe, as he had at first intended, Burlingame came straight across the Pacific to the United States, and reached Washington in May, 1868. His reception everywhere in this country was of the most cordial character, he being regarded at once as a distinguished American and as the representative of the Chinese Empire. He made for the Chinese government a highly important treaty with this country, which was drafted by himself and Seward. This instrument pledged the United States to respect the territorial integrity of China and its unimpaired sovereignty over its own subjects and property; it recognized the right of China to regu