tacitly acknowledge him as sole dictator-can you, I say, subscribe to the truth of those assertions? Are you prepared to acknowledge that youth the political saviour of his country, and to sanction his language and behaviour on the floor of this House, when you heard him exclaim on this wise: Away with him, away with him, clap on the crown of thorns, (clapping his hand on the top of his head,) crucify him, crucify him, (whirling his feeble arm round his head,) thereby placing yourselves in a similar situation to the hard-hearted Jews?

Are you prepared to permit that member to invade the Speaker's chair; to behold him shutting his fist, and pointing directly to another member, in an imperious tone of voice, not only order him to sit down, but to go down the back stairs-declaring that was the place for him? And, finally, have you heard him, with approbation, charge an aged member of this House, (Mr. FINDLEY,) with mumbling out his words in such manner that none could understand him; and call him an old toothless driveller, superannuated, and in his second dotage; more especially when you recollect that, but a short time past, he styled that member his venerable friend, his political father, and acknowledged it an honor to act with him?

I trust you are not; you are not yet prepared to see order and decorum trampled on by an individual; nor common decency, and that respect for age, so strongly enjoined by the laws of God and man, and even by the savages of the wilderness, banished from these walls. I doubt not your beholding the foregoing scenes, as I have done, with detestation and abhorrence, and will represent them in that point of view, to your constituents, when you return home!

I will not detain the House with a detailed account of that member's patriotic and paternal care over his horn-book scholars, which, immediately on hearing that the House had taken up the British business, raised him from a sick bed, winged his speed to the Capitol, and overcame the weakness of his feeble frame in so admirable a manner as to enable him to occupy the floor almost the whole of the two first days' debate, displaying a degree of zeal unparalleled by any other American patriot, to guard our weak minds from being deceived by the tools of that Administration, which his penetrating genius alone had discovered, was governed either by gross ignorance or evil design. To do this would be to write a volume. The foregoing brief recital of a few of the most prominent features of that member's general conduct during the present session, will, I conceive, be sufficient to enable the citizens of the United States to decide, with propriety, the all-important question, is the Executive or the member from Virginia changed? Are his charges against the Executive founded in fact, or is he a disappointed declaimer, and his accusations unfounded?

I will now proceed to state the facts which I premised, by which the citizens of the United States will be presented with indubitable proof, that, in two very important cases, he has been the principal if not the sole cause of greatly embar

APRIL, 1806.

rassing the Executive, whereby considerable loss has been sustained, and probably much more will be, and the inferior officers and their clerks materially injured by being unjustly kept out of their salaries for a considerable time after they became due.

1st. It appears by the secret Journal, lately published, that a Message of the President of the 6th of December last, was committed to a committee of seven, of whom the member from Virginia was chairman; that, notwithstanding the critical situation of the belligerent Powers of Europe, which rendered it essentially necessary that Congress should act immediately upon the important subjects contained in the Message, which did not admit of a moment's delay; yet, notwithstanding the urgency of the occasion and magnitude of the object, no report was made by that committee until the third of January, a space of four weeks. For the truth of this assertion, I appeal to the members of this House; and also for the great delay and embarrassment, a bill predicated on the aforesaid Message met with in its passage, principally from the chairman of that committee, who, I am fully persuaded, occupied the floor at least nine-tenths of the whole time of the debate on said bill; by which means its passage was delayed in the House of Representatives until the 16th of January; whereas, on the 11th of February, 1803, a report of a committee for appropriating two million of dollars for a similar purpose was made, and a bill predicated thereon passed the House of Representatives on the 15th of the same month; that member was then a zealous advocate of the measure. It needs no comment.

2d. The second case I shall adduce, is his delay in bringing forward the appropriation bills for the support of Government, Army, and Navy, of the United States; the appropriation for the War Department, passed in 1804, on the 10th of February; and, in 1805, on the 14th, and for the Navy in 1804, on the 31st of January; and, in 1805, on the 25th of the same month; 1806, two months, or more, later.

Notwithstanding which, that member has asserted on this floor that it is too late for the bill appropriating two millions of dollars for the purchase of the Floridas to have the desired effect; that the battle of Austerlitz will prevent a favorable issue of our negotiation with Spain; or, to use his own language, with France; and has also charged the Executive with being unable to send off the sloop Hornet with despatches, for want of money; that they have been obliged to discount notes at a very great loss; that, in so doing, they have acted worse than the former Administration, who resorted to eight per cent. loans. Here, let me ask, if ever, before this session, there was such an insult offered to the House of Representatives, and to the Executive of the United States, as for an individual member, whose business, as chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, it was, to bring forward and attend to filling up the blanks in all appropriation bills—after having neglected or refused to do his duty in the proper and usual time-rise from his seat, near two

3d. I shall now proceed to the third and last charge which I shall at this time adduce, which has been exhibited by that member against our Executive for applying to draw money from the Treasury for the purchase of the Floridas, previous to an appropriation made by law for that purpose; which is refuted by that very respectable officer, the Secretary of the Treasury, to whose testimony that member, after publicly declaring that he was inferior to none-notwithstanding which he had been scouted from the Cabinet-is bound to give full faith and credit. It is in a letter addressed to the honorable Speaker of the House of Representatives, bearing date April 15, 1806, in the following words:

H. OF R.

the other, which so highly excited his indignation, to show the baseness of such doctrines, and to support justice, equal liberty, and the inherent rights of man; which will cause the author of that pamphlet, and his supporters, to shine as stars of the first magnitude, when the admirers and supporters of British Ministers and their hirelings shall be consigned to eternal contempt!

Mr. Speaker, after hearing so many insinuations, inuendoes, and direct accusations, thrown out against our Executive, and a majority of the members of Congress, which, if believed, must alienate the affections and finally destroy the confidence of the people of the United States, I conceive it a duty enjoined on me by my present station to lay before this House the foregoing brief statement of facts, in order that they may be published for the perusal of the public, and to oppose my opinion to that of the member from Virginia. My opinion most decidedly and unequivocally is, that all the declamations and accusations we have heard from him against any branch of our Executive, so far as it goes to impeach their knowledge, prudence, or integrity, is entirely groundless and contrariwise; that, as far as has come to my knowledge, our Executive in all its departments has discharged its duties in such manner as to merit the approbation and entire Mr. Speaker, I trust I shall not be contradicted, confidence of the people of these United States. when I assert, that it is a sound principle, both in To their good sense and impartial judgment I leave law and equity, that proving one part of the tes- to determine whether the conduct of the Executimony of a witness false, greatly invalidates, if tive, and a majority of the House of Representanot wholly destroys all credibility of the other tives, has fixed on them a stain of so deep a die parts. This, to use that member's favorite phrase- that all the waters of the Potomac can never ology, "being indisputably done;" the other insin-wash it off; or whether the groundless accusation uations, inuendoes, and direct charges of malconduct against the Executive, and a majority of the members of Congress, consequently falls into that contempt which all groundless accusations against the innocent justly merit.

"SIR: In answer to the request contained in the resolution of the House of Representatives, of the 8th instant, I have the honor respectfully to state, that no application has been made to draw money from the Treasury, for the purchase of the Floridas, before an appropriation made by law for that purpose.'

I shall at this time present to view but one more of those extraordinary productions which have so frequently and so greatly retarded the necessary business of the House of Representatives during the present session.

are the real friends of the interest, liberty, peace, and happiness of these United States.

of that member has not indelibly stamped him, not barely with a stain, but a deep sable hue, which all the waters of the Mississippi, that great parent of floods, even if connected with the most powerful fuller's soap, can ever cleanse or change to its native color; and, finally, whether a member of Congress who has, to the utmost of his power, fixed in battle array the citizens of the South against those of the North, and the West against the East, or those members who uniformly endeavored to promote love and harmony among It will be remembered that in one of the rhap-all classes of citizens, as children of one family, sodies of the member from Virginia, after informing the House that he had read a pamphlet, called "War in Disguise," supposed to be written by some of the British Ministry, or their hirelings, in support of their unjust and tyrannical conduct to wards neutral nations, he took up a pamphlet, called "An Examination of the British Doctrine, which subjects to capture a Neutral Trade, not open in time of Peace," and with as much apparent violence as he could possibly have exerted to prevent an assassin from taking his life, threw those hated pages upon the floor of the House, to be trodden under foot by men, declaring, that of this pamphlet, which contains 204 pages, his abhorrence of its contents permitted him to read but

11.

This needs no further comment than barely to observe, that the pamphlet which he had perused, and of which he expressed his approbation, was written to support injustice and tyranny ; and

I shall conclude with offering, if seconded, two resolutions, which I do with a desire to have them placed on the Journal, intending to call them up the first day of the next session. I offer these resolutions for the purpose hereafter of keeping the business of the House of Representatives within its own power, and to prevent in future the most important business of the nation from being retarded by a Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, or any other committee, from going to Baltimore or elsewhere, without leave of absence, and staying six days or more, either for his pleasure or his interest; to prevent the members of this House from being hereafter insulted by chairmen, or other members of the committees, for calling business out of their hands, after having kept it either from negligence or

Postponement of Orders-Adjournment.

SUPPLEMENTAL JOURNAL

OF SUCH PROCEEDINGS OF THE FIRST SESSION OF THE NINTH CONGRESS, AS, DURING THE TIME THEY WERE
DEPENDING, WERE ORDERED TO BE KEPT SECRET, AND RESPECTING WHICH THE INJUNCTION
OF SECRECY WAS AFTERWARDS TAKEN OFF BY ORDER OF THE HOUSE.

FRIDAY, December 6, 1805.

The SPEAKER laid before the House a letter and communication from the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, which were read.

Ordered, That the said letter and communication, together with the documents accompanying the same, be referred to Mr. JOHN RANDOLPH, Mr. NICHOLSON, Mr. JOHN C. SMITH, Mr. MUMFORD, Mr. WILLIAMS of South Carolina, Mr. BIDWELL, and Mr. BROWN.,

best interests of the Union cry aloud for peace. When that debt shall have been discharged, and the resources of the nation thereby liberated, then may we rationally expect to raise, even in time of war, the supplies which our frugal institutions require, without recurring to the not till then, may we bid defiance to the world. The hateful and destructive expedient of loans; then, and present moment is peculiarly auspicious for this great and desirable work. Now, if ever, the national debt is to be paid by such financial arrangements as will accelerate its extinction, by reaping the rich harvest of neutrality, and thus providing for that diminution of revenue which experience teaches us to expect on the Mr. JOHN RANDOLPH, from the committee to indulge a hope that, in the changed aspect of affairs in general pacification of Europe. And the committee whom was referred the Message and communica- that quarter, Spain will find motives for a just fulfiltion of the President of the United States, of the ment of her stipulations with us, and an amicable setsixth of December last, together with the docu-tlement of limits, upon terms not more beneficial to ments accompanying the same, made a report thereupon, as follows:

FRIDAY, January 3, 1806.

Report of the committee to whom were referred the Message of the President of the United States, of the sixth December, 1805.

The committee have beheld, with just indignation, the hostile spirit manifested by the Court of Madrid towards the Government of the United States, in withholding the ratification of its convention with us, although signed by its own Minister, under the eye of his Sovereign, unless with alterations of its terms affecting claims of the United States, which, by the express condition of the instrument itself, were reserved for future discussion: in piratical depredations upon our fair commerce; in obstructing the navigation of the Mobile; in refusing to come to any fair and amicable adjustment of the boundaries of Louisiana; and in a daring violation, by persons acting under the authority of Spain, and, no doubt, apprized of her sentiments and views, of our undisputed limits, which she had solemnly recognised by treaty.

To a Government having interests distinct from those of its people, and disregarding their welfare, here is ample cause for a formal declaration of war on the part of the United States, and such, did they obey the impulse of their feelings alone, is the course which the committee would not hesitate to recommend; but, to a Government identified with its citizens, too far removed from the powerful nations of the earth for its safety to be endangered by their hostility, peace must always be desirable, so long as it is compatible with the honor and interest of the community.

Whilst the United States continue burdened with a debt which annually absorbs two-thirds of their revenue, and duties upon imports constitute the only resource from which that revenue can be raised, without resorting to systems of taxation not more ruinous and oppressive than they are uncertain and precarious, the

the United States than advantageous to herself; securing to her an ample barrier on the side of Mexico, and to us, the countries watered by the Mississippi, and to the eastward of it. But, whilst the committee perceive, in the general uproar of Europe, a state of things peculiarly favorable to the peaceable pursuit of our best interests, they are neither insensible to the indig nity which has been offered on the part of Spain, nor unwilling to repel similar outrage. On the subject of self-defence, when the territory of the United States is insulted, there can be but one opinion, whatever differ. ences may exist on the question, whether that protection which a vessel finds in our harbors shall be ex tended to her, by the nation, in the Indian or Chinese

seas? Under this impression, the committee submit the following resolution:

"Resolved, That such number of troops (not exceed- as the President of the United States shall ing deem sufficient to protect the southern frontiers of the United States from Spanish inroad and insult, and to chastise the same, be immediately raised."

The said report was read, and ordered to be referred to the consideration of a Committee of the whole House on Monday next.

On a motion made and seconded that the House do come to to the following resolutions:

Resolved, "That $ be appropriated by law for the purpose of defraying any extraordinary expenses which may be incurred in the intercourse between the United States and foreign nations, to be paid out of any moneys in the Treasury, not otherwise appropriated, and to be applied under the direction of the President of the United States, who shall have authority, if necessary, to borrow the said sum, or any part thereof, in behalf of the United States, at a rate of interest not exceeding six per centum per annum, and shall cause an account of the expenditure thereof to be laid before Congress as soon as may be.

The House again resolved itself into a Com"Resolved, That such number of troops, not exceed mittee of the Whole on the report of the commit-ing, as the President of the United States shall tee to whom were referred a Message and com- deem sufficient to protect the Southern frontiers of the munication from the President of the United United States from Spanish inroad and insult, and to States, of the sixth of December last, and the chastise the same, be immediately raised.” documents accompanying the same; as, also, on two resolutions referred to the same Commit

David Bard, Joseph Barker, George M. Bedinger, YEAS-Willis Alston, jun., Isaac Anderson, Barnabas Bidwell, Phanuel Bishop, John Blake, jun., Thomas Blount, Robert Brown, John Boyle, William Butler, George W. Campbell, Levi CaThe House again resolved itself into a Com-sey, John Chandler, Matthew Clay, John Clopton, mittee of the Whole on the report of a commit