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shall be laughed at by Great Britain and other European Powers for adopting a system altogether impracticable, because we cannot adhere to it; or we shall furnish to her Minister, whose character for decision is well known, a pretext for sweeping the ocean of every dollar of American property afloat on it.

If, on the contrary, we adopt a system which is practicable, to which it is seen that we can adhere without injuring ourselves, and which will materially affect Britain, we may hope that measures will be taken by her Government for the adjustment of our differences, and the rendering us complete justice.

Mr. N. then submitted the following resolution: Resolved, That, from and after the day of next, the following articles, being of the growth, or manufactures of Great Britain or Ireland, or of any of the colonies or dependencies of Great Britain, ought to be prohibited by law from being imported into the United States, or into the territories thereof, viz:

FEBRUARY, 1806

he thought it proper to say a few words. That gentleman had observed that the proposition offered by the gentleman from Pennsylvania would affect the revenue to the amount of five millions of dollars; and therefore impressed upon the House the duty of being extremely cautious in taking such a step. Mr. Č. said he did not believe the adoption of that proposition would affect the revenue to any such extent. He did not believe it would affect the revenue to the amount of a million of dollars. Because, although we should prohibit the importation of British goods, we could get most of the same articles from other countries. We get salt from Cadiz, and Lisbon, and from several other places. Rum could be got from every island in the West Indies; and if we should not be able to get a sufficient quantity of it to supply our wants, we could import from France brandies, which will be a good substitute. We may also get woollens from the continent of Europe, and every article on the list, perhaps at higher prices. It was not, however, Mr. C. said, his object at this time to disobject was to offer his own project, which related cuss the merits of either proposition. His chief articles of which silk is the material of chief value; woollen cloths, whose invoice prices shall exceed to the West Indies. Every one knows that those woollen hosiery of all kinds; window glass, and all islands are dependent on the United States for other manufactures of glass; silver and plated wares; the necessaries of life; that they cannot get many paper of every description; nails and spikes; hats; important articles they absolutely want from other clothing ready made; millinery of all kinds; playing countries. Every one knows that for fish, beef, cards; beer, ale, and porter; and pictures and prints. pork, and lumber, they are dependent on us, inasMr. NICHOLSON Concluded by remarking that he much as they cannot get them elsewhere. How is would not undertake to say that he had made the the trade carried on? Great Britain has adopted best selection of articles. It was with great diffi-a curious commercial principle, bottomed on the dence he had made the selection. He would, however, offer it at this time, that gentlemen might give their attention to it, and be prepared to enter on its discussion when the subject came before the House. He submitted these propositions at this time, to avoid any delay which might arise from withholding them till the House should have entered upon the subject.

All articles of which leather is the material of chief of chief value, tin in sheets excepted; all articles of which hemp or flax is the material of chief value; all

value; all articles of which tin or brass is the material

principle of her navigation act; which in time of peace almost amounts to a prohibition to introduce into her islands any articles of ours; and which in time of war opens the ports of a few of her islands for the introduction of particular articles for three or six months. Mr. C. said he wished to see this trade permanently open to the citizens of the United States. He thought it probable This resolution was immediately considered this might be done by the adoption of his plan. by the House, and referred to a Committee of.The gentleman from Pennsylvania had offered a the Whole on the state of the Union, and ordered to be printed.

On motion of Mr. G. W. CAMPBELL, certain resolutions offered on the 3d of January, 1794, by Mr. Madison, on the differences at that time subsisting between the United States and Great Britain, were ordered to be printed.

WEST INDIA TRADE.

Mr. CROWNINSHIELD said, the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. NICHOLSON) had offered several resolutions prohibiting the importation of sundry articles of British manufactures into the United States. Mr. C. observed that he had another project which he wished to submit, relative to our trade with the British West Indies. He did not mean at this time to discuss the subject, either so as far it was connected with the propositions of the gentleman from Maryland. or with that of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, which went to a much greater extent. But with regard to one idea expressed by the gentleman from Maryland,

proposition which was calculated to meet in part the practices of Great Britain. The first resolution related to trading to the West Indies in foreign vessels, and not in vessels of the United States, Every one knew that in the trade between the United States and the West Indies there were none, or very few foreign vessels.

either

Mr. C. then offered the following resolution: Resolved, That, from and after the day of next, no goods, wares, or merchandise, shall be exported ries thereof, in any ship or vessel whatever, to or from from, or imported into, the United States or the territoany European colonies or settlements, situated on the eastern side of the continent of America, or its adjatation of all articles of the growth, product, or manucent seas, northward of the Equator, unless the imporfacture of the United States and their territories, in American bottoms, is at all times admitted into the said colonies, or settlements, and unless the exportation of the productions of the said colonies, or settlements, is permanently allowed in American bottoms from the same to the United States, and the territories thereof.

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The resolution was considered, and referred to a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, and ordered to be printed.

DRAWBACK.

The House went into a Committee of the Whole on the bill to extend the time for taking the oath, and giving bond in cases of drawback, and for other purposes.

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On the second section, which is as follows: "That the Secretary of the Treasury be, and he is hereby authorized and empowered to extend the benefit of drawback, in cases which have happened since the passage of the act of March 2, 1799, entitled, "An act to reg: ulate the collection of duties on imports and tonnage,' where the persons claiming such benefit have omitted to take the oath and give bond within the ten days proscribed by law: Provided, The Secretary of the Treasury shall be satisfied that such omission was caused by unavoidable accident, and that no fraud was intended thereby to be committed against the revenue laws of the United States; and provided, also, that satisfactory proof shall be exhibited to him that the goods, wares, and merchandise, on which the drawback is claimed, have been landed without the limits of the United States.

A long debate ensued, which continued beyond the usual hour of adjournment, in which Messrs. J. CLAY, LEIB, ELMER, NICHOLSON, CROWNINSHIELD, N. WILLIAMS, and SLOAN supported; and Messrs. HOLLAND CLARK, J. C. SMITH, JACK SON, BIDWELL, CONRAD, MACON, and SMILIE, OPposed the section.

When the question was taken on the striking out the section, and carried-yeas 70,

The second and third sections, bottomed on the second, were also struck out.

The Committee then rose and reported their disagreement to all the sections except the first. The House immediately considered the report. Mr. J. C. SMITH spoke in favor, and Mr. CROWNINSHIELD against concurring in it; when the House adjourned without coming to a decision.

TUESDAY, February 11.

Mr.J.C. SMITH, from the Committee of Claims, presented a bill for the relief of the Governor, Judges, and Secretary of the Indiana Territory; which was read twice and committed to a Com

mittee of the Whole to-morrow.

Mr. S., from the same committee, to whom was referred on the fifteenth ultimo, the memorial of Peter Landais, made a report thereon; which was read, and ordered to be referred to a Committee of the Whole to morrow.

A message from the Senate informed the House that the Senate have passed a bill, entitled "An act for the relief of Seth Harding, late a captain in the Navy of the United States;" to which they desire the concurrence of this House.

The bill sent from the Senate, entitled "An aet for the relief of Seth Harding, late a captain in the Navy of the United States," was read twice and committed to a Committee of the Whole tomorrow.

H. OF R.

House that the Senate have passed a bill, entitled "An act authorizing the sale of a tract of land in the town of Cincinnati, and State of Ohio;" and also, a bill, entitled "An act making provision for trial of the impeachment of Samuel Chase;" to the compensation of witnesses who attended the which they desire the concurrence of this House.

The bill sent from the Senate, entitled "An act authorizing the sale of a tract of land in the town of Cincinnati, and State of Ohio," was read twice and referred to the Committee on the Public Lands.

The bill sent from the Senate, entitled "An act making provision for the compensation of witof Samuel Chase," was read twice and commitnesses who attended the trial of the impeachment ted to the Committee of the Whole to whom was committed, on the fifth instant, the bill making an appropriation for the payment of the witnesses, and other expenses, on the impeachment of Samuel Chase.

Ordered, That the Secretary of the Treasury cause to be printed for the use of the members of both Houses, the report to be made to this House, in pursuance of the several resolutions of the House, passed on the third, fifth, and seventh days of the present month.

DRAWBACK.

The House took up the unfinished business of whole House, to strike out the 2J, 3d and 4th secyesterday, being the report of a Committee of the tions of the bill to extend the time for taking the oath, and giving bond in cases of drawback, and for other purposes, The sections are as follows:

"SEc. 2. And be it further enacted, That the Secretary of the Treasury be, and he hereby is, authorized and empowered to extend the benefit of drawback, in cases which have happened since the passage of the act of the second day of March, in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-nine, entitled "An act to regulate the collection of duties on imports and tonnage," where the persons claiming such benefit have omitted to take the oath and give bond within the ten days prescribed by law: Provided, The Secretary of the Treasury shall be satisfied that such omission was intended thereby to be committed against the revenue caused by unavoidable accident, and that no fraud was laws of the United States. And, provided also, That satisfactory proof shall be exhibited to him that the goods, wares, and merchandise, on which the drawback is claimed, have been landed without the limits of the

United States.

"SEC. 3. And be it further enacted, That, before relief shall be granted by the Secretary of the Treasury as aforesaid, the person or persons applying for the same shall take the oath and give bond, in like manner as is now required by law.

"SEC. 4. And be it further enacted, That nothing in this act conta ned shall be construed to extend the allowance of drawback upon any goods, wares, and merchandise, which have been heretofore exported to New Orleans, and upon which the drawback may remain, at this time, unpaid."

On concurring in this report a lengthy debate ensued. Messrs. JOHN C. SMITH, JACKSON, BEDA message from the Senate informed the INGER, and HOLLAND, spoke in favor of concur

H. of R.

Limits of Georgia.

FEBRUARY, 1806.

Congress determine to authorize the erection of a bridge across the Potomac, it may be at a point above Georgetown.-Referred to the same Com

ring; and Messrs. LEIB. CROWNINSHIELD, NEW-
TON. BROOM, J. CLAY, and ELMER, against con
curring in the report. When the question was
taken by yeas and nays, on concurrence, and car-mittee.
ried-yeas 71, nays 45, as follows:

YEAS-Willis Alston, jr., Isaac Anderson, Burwell
Bassett, George M. Bedinger, Silas Betton, Barnabas
Bidwell, William Blackledge, Robert Brown, John
Boyle, Joseph Bryan, William Butler, Levi Casey,
John Chandler, Martin Chittenden, Christopher Clark,
Matthew Clay, Frederick Conrad, Samuel W. Dana,
John Davenport, jr., William Dickson, Elias Earle,
James Elliot, Caleb Ellis, William Ely, John W, Eppes,
James M. Garnett, Charles Goldsborough, Peterson
Goodwyn, Edwin Gray, Andrew Gregg, John Hamil-
ton, William Helms, James Holland, David Holmes,
John G. Jackson, Thomas Kenan, Nehemiah Knight,
Joseph Lewis, jr., Duncan McFarland, Patrick Magru-
der, David Meriwether, Thomas Moore, John Morrow,
Gideon Olin, Timothy Pitkin, jr., John Rea of Pennsyl-
vania, John Rhea of Tennessee, Peter Sailly, Thomas
Sammons, Thomas Sandford, Martin G. Schuneman,
James Sloan, John Smilie, John Cotton Smith, John
Smith, Henry Southard, Thomas Spalding, Richard
Stanford, Benjamin Tallmadge, David Thomas, Philip
R. Thompson, Thomas W. Thompson, Abram Trigg,
Killian K. Van Rensselaer, Joseph B. Varnum, Peleg
Wadsworth, Robert Whitehill, David R. Williams,
Alexander Wilson, Richard Winn, and Joseph Win-

ston.

NAYS-John Archer, David Bard. Joseph Barker, Phanuel Bishop, John Blake, jr., James M. Broom, John Claiborne, Orchard Cook, Jacob Crowninshield, Richard Cutts, Ezra Darby, Peter Early, Ebenezer Elmer, William Findley, James Fisk, Isaiah L. Green, Silas Halsey, Seth Hastings, Michael Leib, Henry W. Livingston, Matthew Lyon, Robert Marion, Josiah -Masters, William McCreery, Nicholas R. Moore, Jeremiah Morrow, Gurdon S. Mumford, Jeremiah Nelson, Thomas Newton, jr., Joseph H. Nicholson, John Pugh, Josiah Quincy, Thomas M. Randolph, Jacob Richards, John Russell, O'Brien Smith, Samuel Smith, Joseph Stanton, Samuel Taggart, Philip Van Cortlandt, Daniel C. Verplanck, John Whitehill, Marmaduke Williams, Nathan Williams, and Thomas Wynns.

Mr. J. RANDOLPH said he had a report to make which, according to the rules of the House, required the galleries to be cleared. They were, accordingly cleared for a few minutes; when the House adjourned.

WEDNESDAY, February 12.

LIMITS OF GEORGIA.

Mr. SPALDING, from the committee to whom was referred, on the thirteenth ultimo, the memorial of the Legislature of the State of Georgia, made a report thereon, which was read, as follows: The committee to whom was referred the memorial of the Legislature of the State of Georgia, respecting disputed limits between that State and the State of North Carolina, having taken into consideration the matter of the said memorial, as well as such information as the documents attached to the memorial and former reports made to this House afford, beg leave to submit the following report:

Between the latitude of 35 degrees north, which is the southern boundary claimed by North Carolina, and the northern boundary of Georgia, as settled by a convention between that State and South Carolina, intervenes a tract of country supposed to be about twelve miles wide, from north to south, and extending in length from the western boundary of Georgia, at Nicajack, on the Tennessce, to her northeastern limits, on the Tugalo. This tract was consequently within the limits of South ('arolina, and in the year 1787 it was ceded to the United States, who accepted the cession. This territory remained in possession of the United States until 1802, when it was ceded to the State of Georgia. From the most correct information relative to the said territory, it appears that it is inhabited by about 800 souls, and (to adopt the words of a former report) it is not shown at what period they made the settlement, nor had they any title to the land on which they settled and made improvements. No such title indeed could have been created, as those lands remained within the boundary of the Cherokees until the year 1798, when a part of this territory was purchased by a treaty held at Tellico. It does not appear that the lines that bound the tract of land in question, and divide it from Carolina, have ever been established by public authority.

After the transfer of this territory by the United States to Georgia, the Legislature of that State, in compliance with the earnest request of those self-governed people, praying that they might be allowed to participate in the civil rights enjoyed in common by the people of the United States, passed an act in the year 1803 to organize the inhabited part of the territory, and to form it into a county, authorizing, at the same time, the Governor to appoint commissioners, to meet such commissioners as should be appointed by the Government of North Carolina, to ascertain and plainly mark the line dividing this territory from North Carolina. The Governor of North Carolina expressed a readiness to accede to the proposition, under the provisions of a former act of the Legislature of that State, but clogged with a condition which the Legislature of North Carolina refused to depart from, and which the Legislature of Georgia refused to accede to. Her reason may be found in a Ordered, That the said bill be recommitted to letter from General Pickens, of the State of South Cara Committee of the Whole on Monday next. olina, attached to a report made to the House respectMr. P. R. THOMPSON reported a bill authorizing that territory while the property of the United States. ing the erection of a bridge across the Potomac. within the District of Columbia; which was re ferred to a Committee of the Whole on Friday.

Mr. GREGG, from the Committee on the Public Lands, to whom was referred, on the eleventh instant, the bill sent from the Senate, entitled "An act authorizing the sale of a tract of land in the town of Cincinnati, and State of Ohio, reported to the House their agreement to the same, without amendment.

Mr. MAGRUDER presented a petition from sundry inhabitants of Georgetown, praying that if

The letter states, that before the people inhabiting that territory settled on the lands, it was surveyed, and grants obtained for most part of it from the State of North Carolina, and probably by men who cared little whether the land was within the Indian claim or the limits

FEBRUARY, 1806.

District of Columbia-British Aggressions.

of South Carolina. Your committee conceive that they have no right to enter into the feelings of either of the parties, or to pronounce upon the justice of the condition made by North Carolina on the one part, or its rejection by Georgia on the other, and bave therefore confined their attention to that part of the memorial which calls upon Congress to define and mark out the thirty-fifth degree of latitude-the line which North Carolina admits to bound her State upon the south and north of which Georgia can have no claim of territory. Your committee, after giving to this point the most deliberate consideration, are of opinion that the United States are bound, in good faith, to use their friendly offices with the State of North Carolina for obtaining an amicable adjustment of the limits of the territory, which they have transferred to Georgia, in all parts where such limits may be disputed.

Your cominittee, therefore, beg leave to offer the following resolution:

H. OF R.

On considering the resolutions, the House divided-ayes 43, noes 36.

Mr. SMILIE moved a reference of them to a Committee of the Whole on the first day of March. Mr. LEWIS moved their postponement indefinitely.

be had upon them.
Mr. LYON hoped an immediate decision would

Mr. SLOAN hoped some time would be allowed previous to their decision.

The House determined to refer them to a Committee of the Whole-ayes 56.

Mr. CONRAD moved their being made the order for the first Monday in August; which motion was disagreed to-ayes 44, noes 56.

Then on the first Monday of May. Lostayes 39.

Mr. NICHOLSON moved Monday next. He said there was much important business relative to the territory before the House, and if the propositions of retrocession were permitted to remain unacted on, they would supersede all attention to the other

Resolved, That the President of the United States be authorized to appoint a commissioner, to meet such commissioners as may be appointed by the States of North Carolina and Georgia, for the purpose of ascertaining and running the line which divides the terri-objects. tory transferred by the United States to Georgia, from North Carolina.

The report was read, and referred to a Committee of the Whole House on Friday next.

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.

Mr. SMILIE Submitted the following resolutions: "Resolved, That it is expedient for Congress to recede to the State of Maryland the jurisdiction of that part of the Territory of Columbia which was ceded to the United States by the said State of Maryland, by an act passed the nineteenth day of December, in the year one thousand seven hundred and ninety-one, entitled An act concerning the Territory of Columbia and the City of Washington:' provided the said State of Maryland shall consent and agree thereto.

"Resolved, That it is expedient for Congress to recede to the State of Virginia the jurisdiction of that part of the Territory of Columbia which was ceded to the United States by the said State of Virginia, by an act passed the third day of December, in the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty-nine, entitled An act for the cession of ten miles square, or any lesser quantity of territory, within this State, to the United States, in Congress assembled, for the permanent seat of the General Government:' provided the said State of Virginia shall consent and agree thereto."

Mr. SMILIE acquiescing in making the resolutions the order for Monday next, the House so determined without division.

BRITISH AGGRESSIONS.

Mr. SLOAN.-Mr. Speaker: I trust I am correct, first, in saying that the Representatives of the people, in Congress assembled, are the only tribu nal to whom they can look for redress of national grievances and protection in their national rights; and secondly, that every member, as a component part of the National Legislature, has a right to introduce resolutions in such form as he may think best calculated to redress existing grievances, or secure them from future insult and injury.

Notwithstanding several resolutions have been laid on the table respecting the impressment of our seamen by the commanders of British armed vessels, and their depredations on our commerce, I have seen none which I consider fully adequate to the purpose proposed, or couched in that firm and decisive language that I conceive the nature of the case requires. Under this impression, I beg leave to offer a resolution; and, previous thereto, ask the indulgence of the House to offer a few

reasons.

Are not the people calling on us from almost every part of the Union? Previous to my leaving home to attend this session, I expected the impressment of our seamen by British armed vessels, and their depredations on our cominerce, would have been taken up; but, to my astonishment, more than ten weeks have elapsed, and we are only preparing to discuss this important subject. Is this giving immediate attention to the sufferings of our constituents? But what astonishes me still more is, that by conversation I have had with some members, they appear yet unprepared to do anything decisive.

Mr. SMILIE stated he had two objects in view in offering these resolutions. The first was, that Congress might be divested of that multiplicity of business which arose from the situation of the territory, which would increase with the growth of population and the progress of society. The other reason was still more important. He wished to see the people of the District restored to their political rights, the deprivation of which was to him a matter of great regret, and which could not be remedied until there was a decided change in their situation. Alluding to the apprehension of the inhabitants that this measure was connected with a removal of the seat of Government, he One member, (Mr. NICHOLSON) who offered a declared that this was not his object; he, on the resolution two days past, objected to a former rescontrary, believed the measure would be highlyolution offered by a gentleman from Pennsylvania, beneficial to the City of Washington: (Mr. GREGG,) from an apprehension that it would

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injure our revenue $5,000,000. [Here Mr. NICHOLSON explained, stating that he had only said that it would affect it to that amount.] Another member, from Massachusetts, (Mr. CROWNINSHIELD.) well acquainted with mercantile business, supposed it would not injure it more than $1.000.000.

FEBRUARY, 1806.

under the flag, and owned by citizens of the said United States, where some have been a long time unjustly detained, and others condemned, contrary to justice and the law of nations: For remedy whereof,

Resolved, That in case the Government of Great Britain shall neglect, or refuse, for months, to re store all American seamen, impressed and detained as But I hope, Mr. Speaker, that however pleasing aforesaid, and also discharge all American vessels, deit may be to see our debt diminishing and our rev-tained contrary to the law of nations, making compenenue inc easing, the fear of diminution of revenue sation for the loss sustained by such detention, and will never deter the Congress of the United States also, for those condemned as prizes; all trade and intercourse shall thenceforth cease, and be prohibited be from supporting their national rights. I hope we tween these United States and Great Britain and its shall not shrink from a temporary evil, to procure dependencies, until equitable arrangements shall be a great and permanent benefit. a return or compensation for the property unjustly seized and condemned; and also, the restoration of American seamen to liberty and their country. Provided also, that upon such arrangements being made, the President of the United States shall have power, by proclamation, to open trade and commerce, upon the principle of such equitable arrangements between the said United States and Great Britain and her dependencies.

In hearing the conversation of some members out of doors, and observing the delay that has taken place in the House, this query is extorted from me: Where is the spirit that actuated the noble patriots of Seventy-six, at the risk of life, to oppose the unjust aggressions of Great Britain? Has it fled from our land, or is it only sleeping? I hope the latter; and that it may speedily awake, refreshed and invigorated by its long nap.

made between the two Governments that shall insure

This resolution was immediately considered, and committed to a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union.

PORT OF PHILADELPHIA.

the bill declaring the consent of Congress to an act of the State of Pennsylvania entitled "An act to empower the Board of Wardens for the port of Philadelphia to collect a certain duty on tonnage, for the purposes therein mentioned."

But, perhaps, some may conclude that I wish to involve the United States in war. God forbid! I want to prevent war with those horrid engines made to destroy the human species. I want to prevent it by duing to all nations as we would they should do unto us. Are we so doing whilst On the motion of Mr. J. CLAY, the House rewe permit one of the belligerent Powers to im-solved itself into a Committee of the Whole on press and keep on board her vessels of war three thousand of our seamen, to assist in fighting her battles with other belligerent Powers in amity and peace with us? I want the United States to treat Great Britain as they would treat an individual, who, in his dealings, had evidently been unjust; break off all intercourse until reparation is made for past injuries, and security given that they shall not be repeated in future. This line of conduct, I conceive, instead of producing war, would be the most certain means of securing a permanent and lasting peace. In the present state of Europe, can Great Britain do without our trade? Certainly she cannot. It is probable that Bonaparte has, ere this time, prohibited her trade with a consid It was opposed on two grounds-on the ground erable part of Europe. Thus circumstanced- of unconstitutionality and inexpediency. On the trembling for her very existence-if we make a former ground, it was contended that the impofirm, determined demand for reparation of dam-sition of the proposed duty was inhibited by that ages, my opinion is that she dare not, that she can not, or will not refuse.

I will not detain the House, at this time, with a more detailed investigation of the subject; but, knowing it to be the desire of many of our constituents, and hoping that, upon a full examination, it will be the determination of this House to adopt firm and decisive measures for the purpose of obtaining redress for injuries sustained, and to prevent the like in future, I offer the following resolution, hoping the House will commit it to a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union:

Whereas the commanders of British armed vessels have impressed many American seamen, and compelled them to bear arms on board said vessels, and assist in fighting their battles with nations in amity and peace with the United States; and, also, brought into British ports for adjudication, many merchant vessels sailing

[This bill authorizes the imposition of four cents a ton on all vessels clearing out of the port of Philadelphia, for any foreign port, to be expended in building piers in, and otherwise improving the navigation of the Delaware.]

On this bill, a debate of considerable length arose; Messrs. J. CLAY, FINDLEY, LEIB, and MAR ION supporting. and Messrs. J. C. SMITH, CROWNINSHIELD, QUINCY, and ELY opposing it..

provision of the Constitution which prescribes that, "no preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce, or revenue, to the ports of one 'State over those of another;" that the object of the bill was, to lay a special tax for the exclusive benefit of the port of Philadelphia-which would be giving a preference to that port over the other ports in the United States; that instead of doing this. in case the navigation of the Delaware required improvement, which was feasible, the better way would be, to draw a sum for this purpose from the general Treasury. It was, however, contended that it was inexpedient to make any provision whatever for this purpose, as it was extremely doubtful whether the object contemplated was practicable, and as the navigation of the Delaware was much better than that of many other streams on which other ports were situated, which,

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