slaveholding, and in which these orders against fugitive slaves were conceived, began to disappear in the smoke of battle.

The first regiment of negro troops raised during the war, was raised and organized by General David Hunter, in the Spring of 1862, while in command in the Department of the South. He had been a graduate at West Point, and was educated as a pro-slavery man, but like the gallant Lyon, serving in Kansas during the period the effort was made to force slavery upon that territory, the outrages of the slaveholders converted him into a radical abolitionist. Finding himself charged with the duty of holding the coast of Florida, South Carolina and Georgia, with very inadequate force, and the Government being at that time unable to furnish more, seeing the three States of his command swarming with ablebodied negroes, all loyal Union men, ready to fight for their liberty, he saw no reason why they should not be organized into soldiers. He accordingly proceeded vigorously in the work of organizing and drilling these negroes, and reporting his proceedings to the Secretary of War received no response. Meanwhile the facts were spread through the land, and came to the ears of Mr. Wickliffe-a fierce pro-slavery member of Congress from Kentucky.

The border States were particularly sensitive on the subject of fugitive slaves and colored citizens being used as soldiers, and on the 9th of June, 1862, on motion of Mr. Wickliffe, of Kentucky, the House adopted the following resolution:

"Resolved, That the Secretary of War be directed to inform this House-1st, If General Hunter, of the Department of South Carolina, has organized a regiment of South Carolina volunteers for the defence of the Union, composed of black men (fugitive slaves,) and appointed the colonel and other officers to command them. 2d, Was he authorized by the Department to organize and muster into the army of the United States, as soldiers, its fugitive or captured slaves? 3d, Has he been furnished with clothing, uniforms, etc., for such force? 4th, Has he been furnished by order of the Department of War with arms to be placed in the hands of these slaves? 5th, To report any orders given said Hunter, and correspondence between him and the Department."

This resolution was forwarded by the Secretary of War to Hunter, with a request for an immediate reply. In response to this, General Hunter made the following reply:

"Sir:—I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of a communication from the Adjutant General of the Army, dated June 13, 1862, requesting me to furnish you with the information necessary to answer certain resolutions introduced in the House of Representatives, June 9, 1862, on motion of Hon. Mr. Wickliffe, of Kentucky,-the substance being to inquire:-1st, Whether I had organized or was organizing a regiment of 'fugitive slaves' in this Department. 2d, Whether any authority had been given to me from the War Department for such organization. 3d, Whether I had been furnished by order of the War Department with clothing, uniforms and equipments, etc., for such a force.

"To the first question, therefore, I reply that no regiment of 'fugitive slaves' has been, or is being, organized in this Department. There is, however, a fine regiment of persons, whose late masters are 'fugitive rebels'-men who, everywhere fly before the appearance of the National flag, leaving their servants behind them to shift as best they can for themselves. So far, indeed, are the loyal persons composing this regiment from seeking to avoid the presence of their late owners, that they are now, one and all, working with remarkable industry to place themselves in a position to go in full and effective pursuit of their fugacious and traitorous proprietors.

"To the second question, I have the honor to answer that the instructions given to Brigadier General W. T. Sherman, by Hon. Simon Cameron, late Secretary of War, and turned over to me by succession, for my guidance, do distinctly authorize me to employ all-loyal persons offering their services in defence of the Union, and for the suppression of this rebellion, in any manner I might see fit, or that the circumstances might call for. There is no restriction as to the character or color of the persons to be employed, or the nature of the employment, whether civil or military, in which their services should be used. I conclude, therefore; that I have been authorized to enlist 'fugitive slaves' as soldiers, could any such be found in this Department. No such characters, however, have yet appeared within view of our most advanced pickets the loyal slaves everywhere remaining on their plantations to welcome us, aid us, and supply us with food, labor and information. It is the masters who have, in every instance, been the 'fugitives,' running away from loyal slaves as well as loyal soldiers, and whom we have only partially been able to see, chiefly their heads over ramparts, or, rifle

in hand, dodging behind trees in the extreme distance. In the absence of any 'fugitive master law,' the deserted slaves would be wholly without remedy, had not the crime of treason given them the right to pursue, capture and bring back those persons, of whose protection they have been thus suddenly bereft.

"To the third interrogatory, it is my painful duty to reply that I never have received any specific authority for issues of clothing, uniform, arms, equipments, etc., to the troops in question-my general instructions from Mr. Cameron to employ them in any manner I might find necessary and the military exigencies of the Department and the country, being my only, but, in my judgment, sufficient justification. Neither have I had any specific authority for supplying these persons with shovels, spades and pickaxes, when employing them as laborers, nor with boats and oars when using them as lightermen, but these are not points included in Mr. Wickliffe's resolution. To me, it seemed that liberty to employ men in one particular capacity, implied with it liberty, also, to supply them with the necessary tools; and, acting upon this faith, I have clothed, equipped and armed the only loyal regiment yet raised in South Carolina.

"I must say, in vindication of my own conduct, that had it not been for the many other diversified and imperative claims on my time and attention, a much more satisfactory result might have been hoped for, and that in place of only one, as at present, at least five or six well drilled, brave and thoroughly acclimated regiments should by this time have been added to the loyal forces of the Union. The experiment of arming the blacks, so far as I have made it, has been a complete and marvellous success. They are sober, docile, attentive and enthusiastic, displaying great natural capacity for acquiring the duties of the soldier. They are eager beyond all things to take the field and be led into action; and it is the unanimous opinion of the officers who have had charge of them, that, in the peculiarities of this climate and country, they will prove invaluable auxiliaries, fully equal to the similar regiments so long and successfully used by the British authorities in the West India Islands.

"In conclusion, I will say it is my hope-there appearing no possibility of other reinforcements owing to the exigencies of the campaign in the Peninsula―to have organized by the end of next Fall, and to be able to present to the Government, from forty-eight to fifty thousand of these hardy and devoted soldiers."

The grim Secretary read this reply with great satisfaction, and hurried it down to Congress, and its reception there furnished one of the most amusing and interesting scenes which

ever occurred in a grave, deliberative body. The irascible Kentuckian foamed with rage, while shouts of laughter greeted the reading of the reply from all parts of the House. Hunter's successful movement in organizing colored soldiers, and this sarcastic reply, settled the question that negroes should have the privilege of fighting for the Union and their own liberty.

For this act of common sense, General Hunter was outlawed by the Confederates.

On the 9th of July, 1862, Senator Grimes, of Iowa, moved to amend the bill providing for the calling out of the militia, by providing; "that there should be no exemption from military service on account of color; that when the mili tia should be called into service, the President should have full power and authority to organize them according to race or color."

Senator Carlisle, of West Virginia, declared that the negro constituted no part of the militia of his State.

Preston King, of New York, moved to amend the amendment of Mr. Grimes, by providing, that the President should be authorized to receive into the service of the United States for any war service for which they might be found competent, persons of African descent; clothing the President with full power to enroll and organize them and to feed, and pay them such compensation as they might agree to receive, and that when any man or boy of African descent, should render such service, he, his mother, and wife and children, should forever thereafter be free." Mr. Grimes accepted this amendment.

Mr. Fessenden, the distinguished Senator from Maine, in the discussion of this bill, said:

"I tell the President from my place here as a Senator, and I tell the generals of our army, they must reverse their practices and their course of proceeding on this subject. * * * I advise it, here from my place-treat your enemies as enemies, as the worst of enemies, and avail yourselves like men, of every power which God has placed in your hands, to accomplish your purpose, within the rules of civilized warfare."

The ever faithful Senator Wilson, of Massachusetts, said:

"The Senator from Delaware, as he is accustomed to do, speaks boldly and decidedly. He asks if American soldiers will fight, if we organize colored men for military purposes. Did not American soldiers fight at Bunker Hill with negroes in the ranks, one of whom shot down Major Pitcairn as he mounted the works? Did not American soldiers fight at Red Bank, with a black regiment from your own State,sir? (Addressing Senator Anthony, of Rhode Island, then in the Chair.) Did they not fight on the battle-field of Rhode Island, with that black regiment, one of the best and bravest that ever trod the soil of this continent? Did not American soldiers fight at Fort Griswold with black men? Did they not fight with black men in almost every battle-field of the Revolution? Did not the men of Kentucky and Tennessee, standing on the lines of New Orleans, under the eye of Andrew Jackson, fight with colored battallions whom he had summoned to the field, and whom he thanked publicly, for their gallantry in hurling back a British foe? It is all talk, idle talk, to say that the volunteers who are fighting the battles of this country, are governed by any such narrow prejudice or bigotry. These prejudices are the results of the teachings of demagogues and politicians, who have for years, undertaken to delude and deceive the American people, and to demean and degrade them."

Garrett Davis, of Kentucky, said:

"In my own State, I have no doubt that there are from eighty to a hundred thousand slaves, that belong to disloyal men. You propose to place arms in the hands of the men and boys, or such of them as are able to handle arms, and to manumit the whole mass, men, women, and children, and leave them among us. Do you expect us to give our sanction and our approval to these things? No, no! We would regard their authors as our worst enemies; and there is no foreign despotism that could come to our rescue, that we would not joyously embrace, before we would submit to any such condition of things as that. But before we had invoked this foreign despotism, we would arm every man and boy that we have in the land, and we would meet you in a death struggle, to overthrow together, such an oppression and our oppressors."

The wise, sedate, and conservative Mr. Collamer said:

"I never could understand, and do not now understand why the Government of the United States has not the right to the use of every