communicaton which conveys the information already stated, the dence. Compacts have been already concluded, or are now nego, When such an event shall occur, the United States will proba ed, and should state the reasons that lead to the conclusion, which As the most ancient state in the new world; the first acknowJedged, sincere friend of those more recently existing; as a state from whose greater experience more light is said to be expected to be shid upon the subjects to be discusses and the principles to be established, at the contemplated congress than fron the other states; the United States hed a right to expect, that when this project of a congress of American nations was conceived, it should have been communicated to them, as early as to any others whose presence, by their representatives, was deemed desirable. That they too should have been asked, whether such a measure would be aceptable. That they too should have been consulted, as to the time, the place, and the manner of assembring such a congress. That they too should have been permitted to assist, in the tume ration of the subjects to which its attention might properly be di rected; in the adjustment of the nature and form of the powers to be given to the diplomatic agents who were to compose it; in the mode of its organization and action; and, above all others, ined that they should xa nine fully and freely the measure propose the settlement of the great question, who should be invited to take a part in its deliberations. The United States had also a right to expect, that the result of all such consultations, should be they felt themselves bound to adopt. On the other, they were well aware, that the adoption of this conclusion, and tl assig fixed and secured by solemn pacts and conventions, in which they ment of the reasons which produced it, might contribute not a too should be parties. Such the committee believe ought to have been, and would have little to embarrass the president, whose acceptance of theinvita tion given, was already announced. Placed in this delicate situa been the course pursued by the United States towards the other tion, after b. stowing upon the subject the most mature conside American states, if the project, of convening a congress of Ame rican nations had occurred to as, as a measure useful and beneficial ration, believing it to be a sacred duty which the senate owed to the sovereign states that they here represent, to exercise the to the American continent; and being never disposed to exact constitutional power conferred upon them, by examinion its ex from others more resp ct, then, in like eircumstances they are wilme, every feature of this new project, adds upon exling themselves to pay, the United States, in the opinion of this pediency or inexpediency, as close all their views in relation to committee, owe it to themselves, even if an opinion should be enmeasure at this time, courtionery to disenné une invitation given, the matter, in order that these, being fully exhibited to the senate might be, by them, either adopted or corrected. under the circunstances stated, and to institute the proper pro The committee were induced to adopt this course with less re ceedings cessary to its consummation, in the mole which friend- luctance, by the assurance given by the president, that, until he ship, conify and deference to others require. Such a movement could be aided by the advice and consent of the senate, he would belongs to the high chai seter which the United States enjoy in the take no step to carry the measure which he had proposed into estination of all the world, the merit of which is accorded to them feet. Most willingly would the committee recommend to the by none more williney than by the new born states of this consenate to abstain from pronouncing any opinion upon this now tinent; and, if it be not now itade, the time will go by when the po delicate subject, if they could permit themselves to propose to sition may ever heicalter be properly assumed. this hody a dereliction of its bounden duty, or the adoption of any course, that might lead it to shrink from its high responsi bility. But, convinced that the senate had the right, and were bound to decide directly, upon the expediency of this new scheme, without limiting their decision to the mere nominations inciden tally connected with it; and convinced that the project itself, viewed in any light, was highly inexpedient, at this time; the committee thought it better to exhi' it these their views, and to advise the expression of the opinion of the senate in relation thereto, in the first instance. Abstaining, therefore, from any remark, at present, as to the nominations to them referred, the committee recommend to the senate, the adoption of the following resolution. The committee would not be understood as suggesting the expediency of any such measure at this time. To their opinion there exists no st.quate motive to induce its adoption. Every spot known or lambie in America, is already appropriated by diff rent nations, Whose rights of territory all recognize; and, if wifling differ ares may exist between any, upon the subject of inere comme aboutday, these differences constituite fit matter of fondly discussion between them alone. The idea of colonization in America, therefore, no longer exists; and in the present posCure of nations. here is fi de reason to apprehend the willful "enerozoliment et guy, upon the American possessions of another.Each passing hou strengthers the just claims which the new states America have preferred, to be recognized as sovereign and indestulen, by all other nations; and the quiet efflux of time it it has not already done so, must very sun place their so-assembled at Panama. vereignty upon the same basis on which pests that of the most an cient calions of the earth. Spain possess not the ability to give ang of them cause of arious coutern, and enjoying the friendship and proptimed recognition of Greasers and of the United States, there is no suficient reason to rehend the interference of any European nation in the ques war of their indepen em right, the com Resolved, That it is not expedient at this time, for the United The report and resolution were read. Ordered, That the report, with the documents accompanying 3. AT THE FRANKLIN PRESS, WATER-STREET, EAST OF SOUTH-STREET. THIRD SERIES. No. 7-Vol. VI.], BALTIMORE, APRIL 15, 1826. [VOL. XXX. WHOLE No. 761 THE PAST-THE PRESENT-FOR THE FUTURE. EDITED AND PUBLISHED BY H. NILES, AT $5 PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE. In the following pages, much, (we are cer- no longer maintain, and to the conclusion of which, in form, there tain), to the relief of our readers, the Panama docu-is only wanting the recognition of the new governments, by treaments and papers are concluded; and it is only in this reconquering her continental provinces, which have achieved their ties of peace? If there were left the most distant prospect of her work, perhaps, that a complete set of them, will be independence, there might be a motive for her perseverance. But found hereafter. We do not suppose that the whole every expectation of such reconquest, it is manifest, must be perwill be read at present; but the reports of the comver what has been forced from her grasp, is there not great danger fectly chimerical. It she can entertain no rational hope to recomillee of the senate and of the house of representa- of her losing what she yet but feebly holds? It should be borne tives, though adverse, are very able; and the instruc- in mind that the armies of the new states, flushed with victory, tions of Mr Adams, when secretary of state, to Mr. war euntinties, if it be only in name, they cannot be disbanded, have no longer employment on the continent: and yet whilst the Anderson, and of the present secretary of state, Mr. without a disregard of all the maxims of just precaution. To Clay, to Mr. Middleton, never, perhaps, were excel- what object then, will the new republies direct their powerful and led, for the broad and enlightened views taken in enemy, and let it be supposed that that enemy, weak and exvictorious armies? They have a common interest and a common them of the various and important subjects to which hausted as he is, refuses to make peace, will they not strike they relate: and the latter shews that, almost at the wherever they can reach and from the proximity and great value very commencement of the present administration, aim, and aim a successful blow too, at those Spanish islands? of Cuba and Porto Rico, is it not to be anticipated that they will the condition of Cuba was carefully and seriously Whilst they would operate from without, means would, doubtless, regarded, as to any change therein which might af- be, at the same time, employed to stimulate the population with fect the peace of the people of the United States. in to a revolt. And that the disposition exists among the inhabitants, to a considerable extent, to throw off the Spanish authority, is well known. It is due to the United States to declare, that they have constantly declined to give any countenance to that disposition. [Executive proceedings of the senate, continued.] Tuesday, January 24, 1826. The senate proceeded to consider the resolution, report d by the committee on foreign relations, in relation to the expediency of sending ministers to the congress at Panania: Aud, Ordered, That the further consideration thereof, be postponed to, and made the order of the day for, Wednesday, the 1st of February. Monday, January 30th, 1826. On motion by Mr. Van Buren, Resolved, That the president of the United States be requested to inform the senate, whether the government of Spain has been informed of the application, made by our government for the intervention of the emperor of Russia, to induce Spain to recognize the independence of the South American states; and to lay before the senate the correspondence, if any has taken place, be tween our minister at Madrid and the Spanish government; and, also, between such ministers and our own government, on the subject of such intervention and recognition. Thursday, February 3, 1826. The following message was received from the president of the United States, by Mr. John Adams, Jr. To the senate of the United States: you to urge upon Spain the expediency of concluding the war. It is not, then, for the new republics, that the president wishes nation can ever have an interest in a state of war. But, it is for Their interest is probably on the side of its continuance, if any Spain herself, for the cause of humanity, for the general repose of to the subject, to use every topic of persuasion, to impress upon the the world, that you are required, with all the delicacy which belongs councils of Spain the propriety, by a formal pacification, ol' termi. nating the war. And as the views and policy of the United States in regard to those islands, may possibly have some influence, you are authorized, frankly and fully, to disclose them. The United States are satisfied with the present condition of those islands, in the hands of Spain, and with their ports open to our commerce, as they are now open. This government desires no political change of that condition. The population itself of the islands, is incompetent government. The maritime force of the neighboring republics of at present, from its composition and its amount, to maintain selfMexico and Colombia is not now, nor is it likely shortly to be ade quate to the protection of those islands. if the conquest of them were effected. The United States would entertain constant ap less friendly sovereignty: And of all the European powers, this prehension of their passing from their possession to that of some country prefers that Cuba and Porto Rico should remain depend Washington, 1st February, 1826. In compliance with a resolution of the senate, of the 30th ulti mo, I cordimunicate, herewith, in confidence, a report from the secretary of state, with the documents containing the informa-ent on Spain. If the war should continue between Spain and the tion desired by the resolution. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. The secretary of state, to whom the president has referred the resolation of the senate, of the 30th January, 1826, requesting hina to inform the senate whether the government of Spain has deen informed of the application made by our government for the intervention of the emperor of Russia, to induce Spain to recognize the independence of the South American States; and to ay before the senate the correspondence, if any has taken place, between our minister at Madrid and the Spanish government, and also between such minister and our government, on the subject of such intervention and recognition, has the honor to report, An extract of a letter from this department, to Mr. Everett, dated department of state, 27th April, 1825. An extract from the notes of a conversation between Mr. Eve rett and Mr. Zea, communicated with a despatch from Mr. Everett to this department, dated 25th September, 1825. An extract of a despatch from Air. Everett, to this department of the 20th October, 1825. new republics, and those islands should become the object and the theatre of it, their fortunes have such a connection with the pros perity of the United States, that they could not be indifferent spectators; and the possible contingencies of such a protracted war night bring upon the government of the United States duties and obligations, the performance of which, however painful it should be, they might not be at liberty to decline. A subsidiary consideration in favor of peace, deserving some weight, is, that as the war has been the parent cause of the shocking piracies in the West Indies its termination would be, probably, followed by their cessation: And thus the government of Spain, by one act, would falfil the double obligation, under which it lies, to foreign govern refuge, if not succor, in Spanish territory; and that to the Spanish ments, of repressing enormities, the perpetrators of which finđ nauon, itself, of promoting its real interests. Extract from the notes of a conversation, between Mr. Everett an Mr. Zer, communicated with a despatch, No. 7, from Mr. Eve rett to Mr. Clay, dated "Madrid, September 25th, 1825. In the course of this conversation, upon matters touching so All which is respectinily submitted, H. CLAY. nearly the independence of the colonies, there were of course Bxtract of a letter from Mr. Clay to Mr. Everett, died “depart- frequent oportunities of alluding to that question, and the miment of state, 27th April, 1825. nister seemed to feel ho delicacy or reserve in expressing his senti "Besides the preceding objects to which your attention will be ments upon it. He remarked, repeatedly, that the king would directed. others of grat interest will also claim it. Of these, never abandon his claim to these his ancient and rightful possesthat of the highest importance, is the present war between Spain sions; that the cause was a good one; and that, however unfavor and her former colonies, on this continent. The president wishes able their prospect might appear at present, they bad a right you to bring this subject, in the most conciliating manner possito suppose that they should, in the end, succeed: that we had fle, before the Spanish government. It would be as unneces seen, of late, revolutions in political affairs at least as violent as sary as unprofitable, to look to the past, except for the purpose of this would be; for example, the overthrow of Bonaparte, and the guiding future conduct. True wisdom dictates that Spain, with restoration of Louis the XVIII to the throne of his ancestors; our indulging in unavailing regrets, on account of what she has that the party in the colonies in favor of independence, though irretrievably lost, should employ the means of retaining what she dominant, and apparently unresisted, was not in reality so strong may yet preserve from the wreek of her former possessions. The as was generally supposed; that it consisted of a busy and active, war upon the continent is, in fact, at an end. Not a solitary foot but in reality feeble minority; that the mass of the good citizens, of land from the western limit of the United States to cape Horn, constituting a great majority of the population, were in favor of owns her sway; not a bayonet, in all that vast extent, remains to the king, and were only waiting for some suitable occasiou to sustain her cause. And the peninsula is utterly incompetent to come out in their strength, and to put down the insurgents; and replace those armies which have been vanquished and annihilated finally, that, the cause being a just one, they had a right to sup by the victorious forces of the new republice. What possible ob-pose, that they should be assisted, sooner or later, by an inserter jet, then, can remain to Spain to protract a war which she can ence of Providence. VOL. XXX 9. I did not think it necessary to enter very fully into the argument with Mr. Zea. I said to him, however, that I regretted to hear from him so decisive a declaration of the king's resolution not to acknowledge the new states, that my government had hoped that the battle of Ayachuco, and the recognition of England, would have been can sidered by his majesty as settling the question, and that he would have been induced to put an end to the violent state of things now existing, which was more or less injurious to all Christian nations; that enlightened men of all classes, parties and opinions, in most of the civilized countries of Europe, and in the United States, were now satisfied that Spain could never recover her au thority over the colonies. As a single instance, I mentioned to him the opinion of the bishop of Hermopolis, minister of church affairs in France, and well known, throughout Europe, as one of the ablest and most decided adherents of the anti-liberal sect, whom I had seen at Paris on my way, and who had told me ex. pressly, that they regarded the affair of South America as settled. To this he made answer, that the bishop had also, in the time of Bonaparte, despaired of the possibility of the king's restoration, and that he might be as much in the wrong now, as he was then. I remarked that there were evident symptoms in the proceedings of the French government, of an intention to recognize the new states at no very distant period. He said that France had bither to stood by them faithfully in all their troubles; that he could not say how long she would be true to them, but should she even de sert them, the king would still adhere firmly to his principles; that the standing aud invariable rule of conduct observed by his majesty upon all occasions, was that of strict justice; that he made no concessions to expediency, acknowledged no distinction between politics and morals, and was prepared to sacrifice every thing rather than surrender what he knew to be his right. He the recurred to his favorite example of Louis the XVIII, said that they were by no means reduced to so low a point as he had been: that he too, often had been solicited to abandon his claims to the French throne; but that, by firmly rejecting all such propositions, and tenaciously adhering to his purpose, he had finally wee-eded in recovering every thing. It struck me that the example of Bonaparte, who had lost all By obstinately refusing to make a timely surrender of a part, would have been rather more to the point, but I did not think it worth while to press this subject at present. I told him that I was not called upon to advise his majesty's ministers upon this or any other question, and that what I had said, had been thrown out incidentally in reply to his remarks." affirmative, and he then said that he had received the day be fore, for the first time, upon his return to the Eseurial, from Ma drid, an intimation, (probably from one of the ministers abroad), that some overtures had been made in that quarter, and requested me to give him such information respecting them, as I might think it proper to communicate, I was not quite so fully prepared upon this subject myself as I could have wished, not having obtained any answer from Mr. King, to the request which I made him, for a copy of the instructions to Mr. Middleton, probably be cause he has had no good private occasion to send it. I however, told him, that my government made no secret of their policy, in regard to this business, and that I had no objection to inform him that our minister at St. Petersburg, had been directed to express to the emperor their full conviction that the contest between Spain and the colonies must be considered as finally settled in favor of the latter party; their persuasion that the interest of Spain, and the general good of the civilized world, would be promoted, by the early acquiescence of his catholic majesty in this result, and their wish, that the emperor, should he also entertain these opinions, would unite with them in advising and requesting the Spanish government to put an end to the war, by an acknowledge ment of the independence of the colonies. I took this opportu nity of informing the minister, more precisely than I had done before, that what I had already suggested to him in favor of this measure, must be considered as expressing the wishes and policy of my government, and not my own individual sentiments, which I should not, of course, think of intruding upon his majesty's ca binet. I told him that I was formally instructed to avail myself of any suitable occasion, to suggest to him, with the delicacy required by the nature of the subject, the earnest desire o the government of the United States to see this long struggle brought to an amicable conclusion, and their complete conviction that all further efforts on the part of Spain, to recover the colonies, must be wholly fruitless, and more injurious to herself, than to them. Mr. Zea seemed to be a good deal struck with these remarks, and I was inclined to suppose, from-his manner, that he had considered what I had said to him before, upon the subject, as a mere ly personal communication. He replied, that these proceedings of the government of the United States placed him under the necessity of declaring, in the most positive manner, the king's unalterable resolution never to abandon his rights, and to reject all offers of mediation, or of amicable intervention, which should contemplate an acknowledgement of the independence of the new states. He said that they were, and always had b en, ready and willing to accept any proposal for mediation, or to treat di reetly with the colonies.upon the basis of their previous submission to the king's sovereign power; but that they would never consent to negotiate in any way, upon any other terms; that the "It was reported here very confidentially, a few days ago, that king, being once satisfied on this head, would doubtless be dispos the new consultative junta, or council of government, was occupied to grant his subjects in America every favor and indulgence ed in preparing the way for an arrangement with the South Ame-which they could possibly wish, but that they must begin by prov rican states. Upon tracing this rumor to its origin, I found that it ing their loyalty, and their confidence in his majesty's justice and arose from the fact that the council had deputed some of its mem-good intentions. He wondered, that among the offers of metaa. bers to confer with two Spanish officers, who lately arrived from South America, by way of the Havana and New York, and are the sume that were sent out by the constitutional government of Bue 1108 Ayres, as commissioners. They landed at Bordeaux from New York, and came on immediately to this place, remained here about three weeks, during which time they had occasional conferences with members of the council, and afterwards proceeded to Cadiz. These facts being known, and, it being also understood that the council had been requested, by the minister, to give their opinion upon the measures proper to be taken, in regard to the colonies, it was natural enough to draw the conclusion, that the conferences, in question, had some connection with this subject, and that the persons, with whom they were held, might, perhaps, have gone to Cadiz, on their way to America, as private agents of the governnient. Another, and a more probable construction of the fact,ject. He replied, that, as to legislative assemblies, he was far from would be, that the council had no other object in conferring with these gentlemen, than to obtain information respecting the state of the colorica. About the time, when this report was in circulation, I went to the Escurial, in order to be present at the celebration of the king's birth-day, and when there, had, of course, frequent opportunities of seeing the minister. In one of the conversations which I had with him, I inquired of him what foundation there was for this rumor, and whether there was any change of policy contemplated, in re-lonies. He said, alter I arose to go, that the conversation had gard to the American states. To this question, he replied most decidedly in the negative, and entered anew, and very readily, at great length, into an exposition of the intentions of the guvernment, repeating, in substance, the same remarks which he had nade to me at San Ildefonso. He declared that the king would never abandon his rights; that it was a matter of conscience with him to frausmit his hereditary possessions to his successors; that the royalst cause was not so desperate as we supposed; that there were, even now, symptoms of a return of these proviners to their ahcient loyalty; and that such an event would not be at all strange, considering what violent and sudden revolutions have been constantly occurring during the last thirty years. From all that he sand upon the subject, I was quite satisfied that the reports, of an intended arrangement, were entirely groundless, and that the tention and examination of the above mentioned officers, were merely for the purpose of obtaining information as to facts. Extract of a letter from Mr. Everett, to the secretary of state, dat ed Madrid, October 20th, 1825. tion that had been made from time to time, especially by Eng land, none had ever been proposed upon this basis. I told him that the reason probably was that the British government, as well as that of the United States, considered the independence of the new states as now firmly established, and were well aware that they would never treat upon any other terms than an acknow ledgement of it, by Spain. I added, however, that I should be well pleased to know, if he were disposed to inform me, what conces sions the king would be willing to grant to the Americaus, in the event of their return to their allegiance: as, for example, wheth er he would allow them to make their own laws, in legislative assemblies of their own choice? My object, in asking this question, was, of course, merely to obtain a more complete view of the in tentions and dispositions of the government upon the whole subbeing satisfied that they would suit the condition of the colonies, and that, in general, he thought the only safe course for the Ame ricans would be to trust entirely and implicitly to the king's known good character. I should have thought from this auswer, that my question did not make a very favorable impression upon him. At the close, however, of the conversation, he recurred to it in such a way as induced me to think that he would have been glad to consider it as an indirect overture from some of the coturned upon a number of delicate and interesting topics; that on such occasions it was not always possible to distinguish between remarks that were merely of a private and personal description and such as were official; and that, in order to avoid mistakes ap on that point, he should be glad if 1 would state, in writing, what my instructions required me to communicate to him as the opinions and intentions of the government, and especially any propositions that I might be authorized to make, in the nature of an overture from the colonies, founded on the basis of submission. I told him, that I had no authority, from any quarter, to make propositions of that description; but that I would, with pleasure, if he wished it, give him an official statement of what I had said to him, by order of my government, in favor of the ac de-knowledgement of the independence of the new states. He replied, that he was ready to receive any note that I might send him; but that, on that head, the king's mind was completely made up, beyond the possibility of change. Notwithstanding this, I have thuughts of preparing and transmitting to the minister a pretty detailed communication upon this subject. Such a paper, if it does not produce much immediate effect upon the Spanish cabi net, may, perhaps, in one way or another, have a favorable Gear• ing on the general question. The tone and manner of the minister, during this conversation, were such as to induce me to doubt the correctness of the opi nion which 1 had entertained and expressed to you, as to his private sentiments upon this subject. He spoke with so much decision and apparent openness, of the probability of reconquering the colonies, that I found myself bound to give him credit for his sincerity, at the expense of his sagacity and good sense. He in quired of me, at this time, whether I had any knowledge of the Communications that had lately been made by my government upon that subject, to the emperor of Russia. I replied in the Previously to this interview with Mr. Zea, I had availed myself of such occasions as offered, to converse upon the same subject with the British and Russian ministers. The former is Mr. Frederick Lamb, brother of lord Melbourne, a gentleman of about Those who voted in the affirmative, are, forty-five years of age, regularly trained to the diplomatic line, Mr. Lamb's sentiments in regard to the South American ques tion, are, of course, precisely the same with ours. I was des Fous to ascertain whether the British government had lately made any attempts to urge Spain to a recognition of the new states, and questioned Mr. Lamb upon this point. He said he had had ece or two conversations with Mr. Zes soon after his arrival, the has been here about five months), and stated the substance of what had passed between them. The minister, it seems, gave to him the same answer which he has since given to me, and cited, to illustrate his argument, the same examples of Louis XVIII and Bonaparte. No offer of formal mediation has been made by Eng land since her recognition. Indeed her interest as a commercial and manufacturing country.is now on the other side. The longer the war continues, the longer she enjoys a monopoly of the Spanish American market for her fabrics, and the more difficult will Spain find it to recover her natural advantages upon the return of peace. England will, therefore, probably be very easy in regard to this matter, and will leave Spain to pursue, unmolested, the course she may think expedient. I suggested this point both to Mr. Zea and to the Russian minister, and was inclined to think, from what they said of it, that it had more weight with them, than any other consideration in favor of recognition. They both admitted the justice of my remarks, and the great inconvenience that resulted in this way, from the present state of things, and could only avoid the proper conclusion, by reverting to their com mon places, of the probability of a return of the colonies to their allegiance, which they really seem to imagine will come about, sooner or later, without any effort on the part of either Spain or her allies, and by the aid of son.e auiooked-tor intervention of Divine Providence. I learned nothing material from Mr. L. ex. repting the fact that the British government is now quiet in regard to this matter, and makes no attempts to influence the decision of Spain. He professed to have but little information as to the state of the Spanish settlements in America, and having pass ed the greater part of his life, including the last eight or ten years, on the continent, has been, in fact, rather out of the way of obtaining it. Mr. D'Oubril was somewhat guarded in his language, and did not seem quite willing to admit that it was the decided intention of the emperor to encourage Spain in her present system, He said that, individually, he did not by any means take the same view of the subject which the Spanish government did, and yet, that he was not completely satisfied that an immediate recogni tion was the true policy. He cited, in his turn, the old instance of Louis XVIII and Bonaparte, and was far from being sure that the internal divisions which did, or would distract the colonies, might not bring them again under the Spanish government. He was aware, nevertheless, that Spain was daily and yearly suffering great injury from the effects of the present systen, and that, by continuing it, she would probably lose her remaining possessions in America, and her chance of ever obtaining a due share in the trade with that continent, besides endangering her national exist ence at home. This was making out a pretty strong case in favor of recognition, but he still returned to his former text, that he consider ed the question as extremely doubtful. In all that he said upon it, be professed to declare merely his own personal opinions and feelings, and, if I recollect right, did not say directly what language he was ordered to hold in his communications with this go vernment. It is understood, however, that the influence of the emperor has been employed in support of the present system; and the general impression which I received from his remarks, coineided with this opinion. Mr. D'Oubril's private sentiments may possibly be different. Both he and Mr. L. inquired of me respecting the late overtures made by the president's order at St. Pe tersburg, and appeared to have some, though not a very minute acquaintance with the language of your instructions to Mr. Middleton. The representatives of France, Holland, Sweden, Saxony and Prussia, with whom I have had more or less conversation upon this subject, have all expressed themselves strongly in opposition to the policy of Spain. Even the pope's nuncio, and the ambassador from Naples, seem to be of the American party. The French, I suspect, are making pretty strong efforts in favor of the new states, but, on this point, I have at present, no very precise information." Messrs.-Barton, Bell, Bouligny, Chase, Clayton, Edwards, Hart Hendricks, Johnston, Louisiana, Knight. Lloyd, Mellame; Marks, Mills, Noble, Robbins, Ruggles, Sanford, Seyinour, Thomas Van Dyke, Willey-2'. Thursday, February 9th. 1326. On motion by Mr. Mills, That the senate resume the consideration of the resolution; re draw the motion submitted on the 9th instant, that the senate re the senate, whether such objection exists to the publication of the On the question to agree thereto, It was determined in the affirmative-yeas 23, nays 20. Ordered. That the secretary lay the said resolutions before the president of the United States. Friday, February 17th, 1826. The following message was re ceived from the president of the U. States, by Mr. John Adams, Je Washington, 16th February, 1926. To the senate of the United States: In answer to the two resolutions of the senate, of the 15th inst fully, that all the communications from me to the senate, relating marked fexecutive), and which I have received, I state, respect to the congress at Panama, have been mad, like all other com munications upon executive business, in confidence, and most of them in compliance with a resolution of the senate requesting them confidentially. Blieving that the established usage of frea ought, for the public interest, to be preserved unimpaired, I deem, confidential communications, between the executive and the senate it my indispensable duty to leave to the senate itself the decision of a question, involving a departure, hitherto, so far as I am in formed, without example, from that usage, and upon the motives for which, not being informed of them. I do not feel myself com petent to decide. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. The message was read. On motion, by Mr. Van Buren, Resolved, That the communication of the president of the Unit ed States, in answer to the resolutions of the senate of the 15th instant, and the said resolutions be referred to a select committee; with instructions to report what is the usage of the senate in rela tion to the publication of executive cominunications, and the documents accompanying such communications; and that they be further instructed to report whether the publication of the doen ments necessary to be referred to in debate, on the report of the.. committee on foreign relations on the message of the president of the United States, nominating ministers to the congress at Panama, will be prejudicial to existing negotiations, and to specify the parts, if any, the publication of which will be so prejudicial. The senate proceded to consider the motion. On motion, by Mr. Noble. It was agreed, that when the question be taken, it be by year and nays. On motion, by Mr. Sanford, the senate adjourned. Monday, February 20, 128. The senate resumed the consideration of the motion submitted on the 17th inst. by Mr. Berrien, aud; On his motion, Ordered, That it fie on the table. Mr. Rowan submitted the following motion: Resolved, That it is the unquestionable right of the senate to call, in respectful terms, upon the president of the United States for such information as may be in his possession, and which the senate deem necessary to the faithful discharge of the duties imposed upon it by the constitution: and, more especially, the duties resulting from matters which the constitution makes it the duty' of the president to submit to the senate, for their advice and con sent. Resolved, That the two following resolutions, of the 15th inst.The message and accompanying documents were read. viz: Resolved, That, upon the the question whether the United Ordered, That they be printed in confidence for the use of the States shall be represented in the congress of Panama, the senate zneimbers. Monday, February 6th, 1826. Agreeably to the order of the day, the senate resumed the consideration of the resolution ed by the committee on foreign relations, relative to the expediency of sending ministers to the congress at Panama. ought to act with open doors: unless it shall appear that the publication of documents, necessary to be ref rred to in debate, will be prejudicial to existing negotiations Resolved, That the presireport-dent be respectfully requested to inform the senate, whether such obpetion exists to the publication of the documents communicated by the executive, or any portion of the m; and, if so, to specify th parts, the publication of which would, for that reason, be objectiona ble:-requested information, in the possession of the Xecutive, and in his possession only, which the senate deemed important to guide its decision on a subject within the scope of its advising This union On motion by Mr. White, that the resolution lie on the table: The yeas and nays being desired by one-fifth of the senators pre-powers, and deeply interesting to the states, and to the people of Sent: Friday, March 17, 1826. Resolved, That the senate regret that they do not perceive, in the president's message of the 7th, either a compliance with the call. made by its resolutions of the 15th instant, or the assignment of any reason for withholding the same. Therefore. Resolved. That the senate cannot, consistently with a proper reings, see page 54.] gard for its constitutional rights, nor without a manifest derelic tion of the duties which it owes to the states and the people of the United States, proceed further to consider the subject, in any as pect of it, to which the call upon the president for information re lates, until he shall have afforded the information, or assigned some satisfactory reason for withholding it. The serate proceeded to consider the motion. Mr. Holmes proposed the following amendment: Strike out the two last resolutions, and insert the following: Resolved, That, as the seat have not been able to learn, from the president, whether the publication of the documents, in relation to the proposed mission to the congress at Panama, would af fect any pending negotiations, it is expedient to proceed to the discussion of the subject of that mission with closed doors. On motion, by Mr. Smith, the senate adjourned. Tuesday, February 21, 826. The senate resumed the consideration of the motion submitted yesterday. by Mr Rowan, together with the amendment proposed by Mr. Holmes. Mr. Holmes had leave to withdraw his amendment. On motion, by Mr Hayne, the senate adjourned. Wednesday February 22, 1826. The senate resumed the consideration of the motion submitted by Mr. Rowan, on the oth inst. and the same having been modified, at the instance of Mr. Woodbury, as follows, &e [For this day's proceedings, see page 49, in the journal as previously published.] [For this day's proceed [For this day's proceed APPENDIX-No. 1. The following message and documents were communicated to the senate, on Friday, the 17th March, 1826, after their final decision on the mission to Panama, which decision took place on the 14th March. Washington, 16th March, 1826. To the senate of the United States: Some adfitional documents, having relation to the objects of the mission to the congress at Panama, and received since the communication of those heretofore sent, are now transmitted to the senate, JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. PAPERS SENT. 17. 21st Nov. 1825. 18. 1st Jan. 1926. Extract. do. Copy. do. do. 4. Mr. Brown to same, APPENDIX-No. 2. [This appendix contains the message of the president of the United States to the house of representaThursday, February 23, 1826. The senate resumed the consideratives, of the 15th March; the note of Mr. Clay aption of the motion submitted yesterday, by Mr. Holmes, in relation to the proposed mission to the congress at Panama. [For this day's proceedings, see page 50.] Friday, February 24, 1826. [For this day's proccedings, see page 51.] On motion, by Mr. Chandler, the senate adjourned. Friday, March 3, 1826. The senate r sumed the consideration of the resolution, reported by the committee on foreign relations, in relation to the expediency of sending ministers to the congress at Panama; and, after debate, On motion, by Mr. King, the senate adjourned. The senate resumed the consideration Monday, March 6, 1836 of the resolution, reported by the committee on foreign relations, in relation to the expediency of sending ministers to the congress at Panama; and, after debate, On motion, by Mr. Dickerson, the senate adjourned. Tuesday, March 7, 1826. The senate resumed the consideration of the resolution, reported by the committee on foreign relations, in relation to the expediency of sending ministers to the congress at Panama; and, after debate, On motion, by Mr. Van Buren, the senate adjourned. Thursday, March 9, 1826. The senate resumed the consideration of the resolution, reported by the committee on foreign relations, relative to the expediency of sending ministers to the congress at Panama; and, after debate, Ordered, That it lie on the table. Friday, March 10, 1826 The senate resumed the consideration of the resolution, reported by the committee on foreign relations, relative to the expediency of sending ministers to the congress at Panama; and, after debate, On motion, by Mr. Chandler, that the senate adjourn, The yeas and nays being desired by one-fifth of the senators present, those who voted in the affirmative, are Messrs Benton, Berrien, Branch, Chandler, Cobb, Dickerson, Eaton, Eis. Findlay, Hayne. Holmes, Johnson, of Kentucky, Kane, King, Macon, Randolph, Rowan, Van Buren, White, Williams, Woodbury-21. Those who voted in the negative, are pended to that message and inclosing the papers; the extracts from Mr. Adams' letter to Mr. Anderson, dated 27th May, 1823; the letter from Mr. Middleton to Mr. Clay, dated 15th, (27th July), 1825; Mr. Clay's letter to Mr. Middleton, dated 26th December, 1825; Mr. Clay to Mr. Everett, 27th April, 1825; extract from the notes of a conversation between Mr. Everett and Mr. Zea, and Mr. Everett's letter to Mr Clay, of the 20th October, 1825; all which have been inserted in previous pages. The two first of these documents, it is noted, were not communicated to the senate, and the others not sent to the house of representatives. It was for the purpose of shewing this, we presume, that this last appendix was added; and we notice it on that account.] Panama Mission. REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. The committee of foreign affairs, to whom was referred the message of the president of the United States, to the house of representatives, of the 15th inst. with the documents accompanying it, have had the same under consideration, and beg leave to report: That it appears, from the above named message and papers, that an invitation has been received, by the United States, from the republics of Colombia, central America and Mexico, to attend the congress about to be held at Panama. It appears that this invitation was accepted by the president, on the condition that the nomination of commissioners for the mission should receive the advice and consent of the senate. This advice and consent having been constitutionally expressed, in the confirmation of the ministers nominated by the president, the concurrence of the house of representatives is requested, as necessary to carry the mission into effect, by an appro Messrs. Barton, Bell. Bouligny, Chambers, Chase, Clayton, Ex-priation to defray the expense of it. This concur- rence being "subject to the free determination" of the house, the committee have regarded it as their duty to the house, to inquire into the expediency of acOn motion, by Mr Dickerson, the senate adjourned. Saturday, March 11, 1826. The senate resumed the considera- cepting this invitation. The ordinary courtesy of nation of the resolution, reported by the committee on foreign relations in friendship with each other, and the peculiar tions, relative to the expediency of sending ministers to the congress at Panama; and, after debate, On motion, by Mr. Dickerson, that the senate adjourn, Tuesday, March 14, 1826. [For this day's proceed interest which, for the strongest reasons, the people of the United States have ever felt, and must ever feel, in the new American republics, would seem to dictate the propriety of accepting this invitation, unless there were sufficient reasons for declining itNo such reasons are believed by the committee of fo reign affairs to exist. |