gooner, to others later, but finally to all), the signal | Ever honored will be the day which gave birth to a of arousing men to burst the chains, under which nation, and to a system of self-government, making monkish ignorance and superstition had persuaded it a new epoch in the history of man. Be pleased to accept, sir, for yourself and the comthem to bind themselves, and to assume the blessings and security of self-government. The form which mittee, assurances of my respectful consideration, JAMES MADISON. we have substituted restores the free right to the unand of my best wishes. bounded exercise of reason and freedom of opinion. R. C. WEIGHTMAN, mayor of Washington, All eyes are opened or opening to the rights of man. The general spread of the lights of science has already laid open to every view the palpable truth, that the mass of mankind has not been born with saddles on their backs, nor a favored few, booted and spurred, ready to ride them legitimately, by the grace of God. These are grounds of hope for others; for ourselves, let the annual returr of this day forever refresh our recollections of these rights, and an undiminished devotion to them. And chairman of the committee of arrangements, &c. OAK HILL, June 28, 1826. SIR: In consequence of my attendance in Albemarle, on important concerns of a private nature, I was deprived, until to-day, of the gratification afforded by the receipt of your invitation to unite with my fellow citizens of the metropolis of our union, in the celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of our independence. Having devoted my best efforts, through a long I will ask permission here to express the pleasure series of years, to the support of that great cause, and with which I should have met my ancient neighbors of the city of Washington and its vicinities, with a large portion of them in the metropolis, the kindwhom I passed so many years of a pleasing social in-ness shown me, by this invitation is gratefully actercourse--an intercourse which so much relieved knowledged. Many engagements which press on me at this time, render it impossible for me to leave the anxieties of the public cares, and left impres- home, of which you will have the goodness to apprize sions so deeply engraved in my affections, as never to be forgotten. With my regret that ill health for- the committee of arrangement. With great respect and esteem, I have the honor to bids me the gratification of an acceptance, be pleased JAMES MONROE. to receive for yourself, and those for whom you write, be, your very obedient servant, the assurance of my highest respect and friendly TH. JEFFERSON. attachments. DOUGHORAGEN MANOR, June 17, 1926. SIR: I was this day favored with your letter of the 14th inst. I am much obliged to the committee for their invitation to attend, on the fourth of next month, the celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of American independence, in the metropolis of the United States. Having received a similar invitation from the city of New York, and having declined it, I cannot with propriety, attend the celebration at Washington. Accept, sir, my thanks for the sentiments you have expressed to me in your letter. Congressional Report. IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, MARCH 1, 1828. That, having had recourse to the history of the times in which the constitution was formed, the committee find that the proposition now referred to them, had engaged the deliberations of the federal conven I remain, with great respect, sir, your most hum-tion which framed the constitution, and of several of ble servant, CH. CARROLL, of Carrollton. MONTPELIER, June 20, 2826. the state conventions which ratified it. In an carly stage of the session of the federal convention, it was resolved, as follows: "Art. 6, sec. 9. The members of each house, (of DEAR SIR: I received, by yesterday's mail, your Jetter of the 14th, inviting, in the name of the com- congress), shall be ineligible to, and incapable of holdmittee of arrangement, my presence at the celebra-ing any office under the authority of the United States, tion, in the metropolis of the United States, of the fiftieth anniversary of American independence. during the time for which they shall respectively be elected; and the members of the senate shall be ineligible to, and incapable of, holding any such office for one year afterwards." (Journal of the federal convention, page 219.) I am deeply sensible of what I owe to this manifestation of respect, on the part of the committee; and not less so of the gratifications promised by an It further appears from the journal, that this clause, opportunity of joining with those, among whom I should find myself, in commemorating the event in the first draft of the constitution, was adopted with which calls forth so many reflections on the past, and great unanimity, and that afterwards, in the concludanticipations of the future career of our country.ing days of the session, it was altered, and its intenAllow me to add that the opportunity would derive tion defeated, by a majority of a single vote, in the an enhanced value from the pleasure with which I absence of one of the states by which it had been supported. should witness the growing prosperity of Washington, and of its citizens, whose kindness, during my long residence among them, will always have a place in my grateful recollections. With impressions such as these, it is with a regret, readily to be imagined, that I am constrained to decline the flattering invitation you have communicated. Besides the infirmities incident to the period of life I have now reached, there is an instability of my health at present, which would forbid me to indulge my wishes were no other circumstance unpropitious to them. This explanation will, I trust, be a sufficient pledge that, although absent, all my feelings will be in sympathy with the sentiments inspired by the occasion. Following the constitution into the state conven. tions which ratified it, the committee find, that, by the New York convention, it was recommended, as follows: "That no senator or representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any office under the authority of the U. States." By the Virginia convention, as follows: "That the members of the senate and house of represcatatives shall be ineligible to, and incapable of, holding any civil office under the authority of the U. States, during the term for which they shall respectively be elected." By the North Carolina convention, the same amend Iment was recommended, in the same words. In the first session of the first congress, which was held under the constitution, a member of the house of representatives submitted a similar proposition of amendment; and, in the third session of the eleventh congress, James Madison being president, a like proposition was again submitted, and being referred to a committee of the house, was reported by them in the following words: "No senator or representative shall be appointed to any civil office, place, or emolument, under the authority of the United States, until the expiration of the presidential term in which such person shall have served as a senator or representative." Upon the question to adopt this resolution, the vote stood 71 yeas, 40 nays, wanting but three votes of the constitutional number for the referring it to the decision of the states. not blind to the defects of the constitution; and their animadversions were too loud and vehement to pass unnoticed by the great advocates for the ratification of that instrument. The authors of the Federalist, in their No. 55, felt it to be their duty to meet the objection which grew out of this omission. But even these great men, with their superior abilities, and ardent zeal in the best of causes, could attempt no more than to diminish the quantum of a danger which could not be denied to exist, and to cover, with a brilliant declamation, a part of their beloved constitution which could not be defended. They said: "Sometimes we are told, that this fund of corruption, (executive appointments), is to be exhausted by the president in subduing the virtue of the senate. Now, the fidelity of the other house is to be the victim. The improbability of such a mercenary and Having thus shewn, by a reference to the venerable perfidious combination of the several members of evidence of our early history, that the principle of the government, standing on as different foundations the amendment now under consideration, has had the as its republican principles will well admit, and at the support and approbation of the first friends of the same time accountable to the society over which constitution, the committee will now declare their they are placed, ought alone to quiet this apprehenown opinion in favor of its correctness, and expression. But, fortunately, the constitution has provided ses its belief that the ruling principle in the organiza- a still further safeguard. The members of the contion of the federal government demands its adoption.gress are rendered ineligible to any civil offices that That ruling principle requires that the three great may be created, or of which the emoluments may be branches of the federal government, the executive, increased, during the term of their election. No oflegislative and judiciary, should be separate and dis- fices, therefore, can be dealt out to the existing memtinct from each other, not only in contemplation of bers but such as may become vacant by ordinary calaw, but in point of fact; and, for this end, that each sualties; and to suppose that these would be sufficient should not only have its independent organization, to purchase the guardians of the people, selected by but that the individuals administering each, should the people themselves, is to renounce every rule by be wholly free from the control and influence of the which events ought to be calculated, and to substiindividuals who administered the others. tute an indiscriminate and unbounded jealousy, with which all reasoning must be vain." To secure this independence on the part of the The committee believe that this answer, though president, and to prevent the executive from starving him into a compliance with their will, by withhold- specious and confident, was insufficient at the time it ing his necessary support, or seducing him into an was given, and that subsequent events have entirely acquiesence in their views, by tempting his avarice invalidated it. It was insuficient, because it turned with an augmented salary, (Fed. No 77), it is provid-upon the false position that one office could only ined in the constitution that he shall receive a fixed fluence one member, whereas, in the opinion of the compensation for his services, which shall neither be committee, it might influence many; for the danger increased nor diminished during the term for which he to be apprehended from this source, lies in the pursuit, was elected. and not in the enjoyment of the office; and many memTo secure the independence of the legislative de-bers might be pursuing the same one, at the same partment, and to prevent the executive from influenc-time, and all upon the same principle, of devotion to ing its deliberations, by retaining a set of dependants the will of the president and neglect of the interests in the senate and house of representatives, always of their constituents. But whether good or bad at ready, like the placemen in the British parliament, to the time it was given, there can be no question about support the measures of administration, it was pro- its insufficiency at the present time. The fact upon vided, in the same constitution, that persons holding which it rested has ceased to exist. It is no longer offices under the authority of the United States, true that the president, in dealing out oflices to memshould be wholly excluded from the floor of congress. bers of congress, will be limited, as supposed in the The committee believe that this provision for the Federalist, to the inconsiderable number of places Independence of the senate and house of represen- which may become vacant by the ordinary casualties tatives, though wise and proper as far as it goes, does of deaths and resignations; on the contrary, he may not go far enough to accomplish the object it had in now draw, for that purpose, upon the entire fund of view. They admit that the presence of office hold-the executive patronage. Construction and legislaers in the legislative department would be the banetion have accomplished this change In the very first of honest and independent legislation; and they be- year of the constitution, a construction was put upon lieve that the presence of office-hunters would be that instrument which enabled the president to creequally fatal. The danger to be apprehended from ate as many vacancies as he pleased, and at any moeach, is, in effect, the same. The office holder would ment that he thought proper. This was effected by support the measures of administration for the pur-yielding to him the kingly prerogative of dismissing pose of saving the office which he had in possession; ollicers without the formality of a trial. The authors the office hunter would support the same measures, of the Federalist had not foreseen this construction; for the purpose of securing the office which he had so far from it, they had asserted the contrary, and, in expectation. By either party, the interest of the arguing logically from the premises, "that the dismiss country would be sacrificed to the views of the ex-ing power was appurtenant to the appointing power," they ecutive; and the appropriate means for preventing bad maintained, in No. 77 of that standard work, that, this mischief, was, first, to exclude office holders as the consent of the senate was necessary to the ap from seats in congress, and this the constitution has pointment of an officer, so the consent of the same done; and, secondly, to prevent senators and repre-body would be equally necessary to his dismisston sentatives from taking appointments from the presi- from office. But this construction was overruled by dent under whose administration they had served, the first congress which was formed under the conand this it has omitted to do. The omission was too stitution; the power of dismission from office was material to escape the observation of those who were abandoned to the president alone, and, with the ac quisition of this prerogative, the power and patron- But, besides the danger to the independence of conage of the presidential office was instantly increased gress, which the committee apprehend from the com to an indefinite extent, and the argument of the Fede- tinued eligibility of senators and representatives toralist against the capacity of the president to corrupt executive appointments, another evil, equally at war the members of congress, founded upon the small with the intention of the constitution, and with the number of which he could use for that purpose, rights of the people, may spring from the same source. was totally overthrown. So much for construc- It was the intention of the constitution, that senators tion. Now for the effects of legislation; and with- and representatives should be periodically returned, out going into an enumeration of statutes which as private citizens, to the mass of their constituents, unnecessarily increase the executive patronage, the to have their oficial conduct reviewed by them, and four years' appointment law will alone be men- to receive, at their hands, the approbation or the centioned; for, this single act, by vacating almost the sure which that conduct might deserve. This return entire civil list, once in every period of a presi- to the people, and accountability to them, constitutes dential term of service, places more offices at the the responsibility of the representative, and affords the command of the president than were known to the only check and control over his conduct which the constitution at the time of its adoption, and is, of it- constituent can possess. The value of this responsi self, again sufficient to overthrow the whole of the bility was particularly relied upon, and enforced, by argument which was used in the Federalist. So com- the authors of the Federalist, (No. 57)-but, if the pletely is this the fact, and so entirely has that argu-president may prevent this return of the senators and nent vanished, that no one pretends to repeat it now. representatives to their constituents: if, more than A new reason is now resorted to; and an improved that, he may take them from their seats, and place capacity for discharging the duties of these offices, them in other offices, far removed from the reach of which a service in congress is supposed to confer, is the people, then the responsibility which the conthe argument now relied upon. But the committee stitution intended to establish, is not only destroydo not yield to this argument the force which is claimed, but an unfaithful member, who has sacrificed the ed for it. They believe that it ought to be received rights of the people to the will of the executive, may with great qualification, and limited in its application be elevated to new honors, enriched with great 10 a small number of offices of the highest grade, and emoluments, and placed in a condition to defy the to such members of either house as actually apply resentment of those to whom the constitution intends themselves to the discharge of their public duties.-ed to make him accountable. The places which impart the faculty of giving counsel to the president, as the departments of state, treaConsidering all which, the committee bave come sury, war and navy, and those which impose the ob- to the unanimous resolution to submit to the senate a ligation of treating with foreign powers, as embassies, proposition of amendment to the constitution of the may be offices of this description; but as for the great United States, embracing the principle of this report: mass of places which compose the bulk of executive Resolved, by the senate and house of representapatronage, and which require no particular expe- tives of the United States of America in congress asrience in foreign affairs, nor very enlarged know-sembled, two-thirds of both houses concurring, That Jedge of the science of government, such as those connected with the army, the navy, the judiciary, the ferritorial governments, the customs, the land ollices, the post offices, the affairs of the Indians, the collection and disbursement of the public revenue, &c. &c. &c. the committeee are wholly at a loss to conceive of any additional fitness or capability for discharging their duties which the most laborious service in congress would confer. But, while they admit that heads of departments and ambassadors to foreign countries might be advantageously taken from the halls of congress, they believe that it would be invidious to discriminate between the higher and the lower offices, and that any discrimination of this kind which could be made, would still leave open the door to that sort of tampering with the independence of members which the purity of the government, and the ruling principle of the constitution, require to be closed up forever. The only discrimination which occurs to the committee as proper to be made, is the one which has been indicated in the most of the propositions to amend the constitution in this particular, and which Evans, was recently arraigned before the superior The nicely of the lain. A man, named Robert A. contains, in itself, an obvious and essential difference court of Twiggs county, Georgia, on a charge of perin the nature of the offices, and in the facility of jury, in having sworn, upon the holy gospel, to the using them for corrupt purposes. This distinction is truth of a certain statement respecting a controversy found in the difference between civil and military ap between two of his neighbors: but the magistrate, bepointments; to the latter of which it is deemed in-fore whom the oath was taken, being unable to testify expedient to extend the ineligibility of senators and representatives, as well on account of the high nature of the service to be performed, as because the occasions for such appointments, (being confined to a state of war), will rarely occur; and when they do, will be attended with a degree of danger, toil and privation, which will deprive them of all attraction for that description of politicians, who could be capable of bartering their official independence for the mercenary emoluments and the gilded trappings of office. the following amendment to the constitution of the United States be proposed to the legislatures of the several states; which, when ratified by three-fourths of said legislatures, shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as part of said constitution: No senator or representative shall be appointed to any civil office, place or emolument, under the authority of the Cnited States, until the expiration of the presidential term in which such person shall have served as a senator or representative. CHRONICLE. Cheap travelling. It is stated that the whole expense of travelling from Philadelphia to the Saratoga Springs, iss omething less than four dollars, by two lines of conveyance, by another about five, and by the rest six dollars. There are, at this moment, six lines of daily stages running between Albany and Saratoga, at the low price of 50 cents each passage. whether he was sworn upon the holy gospel, or with the ground that the oath had been administered in a the uplifted hand, the prisoner was discharged, on form different from that laid in the indictment. Died, and was ouried, on the 2d May, in the old burial place of the Mohegans, in Norwich, Connecticut, Ezekiel Mazeen, aged 27, great grand son of the CREAT UNCAS, who was the friend and pro tector of the whites, in the infancy of the settlement PRINTED BY WILLIAM OGDEN NILES, AT THE FRANKLIN PRESS, WATER-STREET, EAST OF SOUTH-STREET THIRD SERIES. No. 29-VOL VI.] BALTIMORE, JULY 15, 1926. [VOL. XXX. WHOLE No. 774 THE PAST-THE PRESENT-FOR THE FUTURE. EDITED AND PUBLISHED BY H. NILES, AT $5 PER ANNUM, PAYABLE IN ADVANCE. There has been a good deal of conversation the next fifty years produce-will any one now living in Baltimore, within a few days past, as to the per- behold such mighty marches of mind and power as sons who were really present in congress when the De- ADAMS and JEFFERSON witnessed? With what plenclaration of Independence, from the pen of Mr. Jef- sure do we dwell on the past--with what pride do we ferson, and as amended chiefly on the suggestions of look at the present and anticipate the future-with the late Mr. Adams, was agreed to-as it was not what delighted feeling is it that we remember the signed for several days thereafter. During this inter- services of these venerable and venerated friends, val, it is well known that some members who were and of others who have long passed from works present at the adoption of the declaration, had re- to rewards-and with what profound respect and paired to their commands in the army to give it ef- grateful tenderness should we cherish the few, the fect; and that others took their seats in congress, and signed the instrument to shew their approbation of the stand that had been taken: but we cannot see any good to arise out of such examination, except as to the former class of persons; and, perhaps, it will be better that the latter should remain just as they are. There was, we should presume, as much merit in a prompt subscription to the declaration as in the adoption of it-every signer rendered himself equally liable to a halter, and should be equally esteemed for the resolution with which he met the great emergen. cy. Those, however, who are curious about these things, will find much information concerning them in the letters of THOMAS MCKEAN to the late JouN ADAMS, communicated by the latter to the editor of this paper, and in gov. MCKEAN's statement of the 16th June, 1817. See vol. XII, pages 279 and 305. very few, oaks of the revolution that remain, palsied by age, if not withered by neglect, and rendered helpless by former sufferings and present privations. Mr. Adams was born on the 19th October, 1735and, after two days of suffering by an accumulation of phlegm in the throat, which he had not strength to throw off, he died on the 4th of July, instant, at about 6 o'clock in the afternoon, and consequently was aged nearly ninety-one years, being older than Mr. Jefferson by about eight years. A short time before his spirit winged its way to those of "the just made perfect," he was roused by the firing of cannon, and, enquiring the cause of it, was told that it was the 4th of July; when he said, "it is a great and glorious day," and he never spoke more! And Mr. Jefferson, on asking the day of the month, and being told that it was the third of July, expressed a desire that he might live until the next day! The venerable fathers in the republic were gratified, and went We had hardly announced the decease of the to sleep on the anniversary of the great and glorious patriot who drafted the Declaration of Independence, event that joyous millions were then in the act of when news arrived of the death of his venerable celebrating and solemnizing, "with pomp, shows, compatriot, who, more than any other man, perhaps, games, sports, guns, bells, bonfires and illumina urged the adoption of that famous measure, and sup- tions, from one end of the continent to the other. "* ported it through every change of time and circum- And can we regret it, that, full of years and full stance himself unchanged. THOMAS JEFFERSON of honors, they left us, while our whole nation was departed this life between, twelve and one o'clock, blessing them for the good deeds they had done, On the 50th anniversary of the declaration of inde-seeing that all flesh must die?-and is there not conpendence, and nearly, if not precisely, at the same solation in the wonderful coincidence, that on the hour of the day, when it was first reading before same day, and at the exact period of fifty years after congress; and JOHN ADAMS, who was also of the the great act which they did, both should be gather committee who reported that declaration, left us be-ed to their fathers, departing in peace? In the lantween five and six o'clock of the same jubilee-anni- guage of the editor of the Boston Gazette, with the versary, at nearly, if not precisely, the very hour addition of a single letter, (for he spoke only of Mr. when the contents of that memorable paper were first Adams, the death of his illustrious colleague not beproclaimed to the people, in the state-house yard at Philadelphia, and when the United States were first *Letter from Mr. Adams, dated Philadelphia, July saluted as "free, sovereign and independent;" when 5, 1776. Yesterday the greatest question was decidthe thunder of cannon and the loud huzzas of the ed which was ever decided among men. A resolumultitude first ratified the solemn and august act of was passed unanimously, "that these United States are, the representatives of the people, appealing to Hea- and of right ought to be free and independent states. ven and resting confidently in the virtues of their The day is passed. The 4th of July, 1776, will be fellow citizens, for an accomplishment of the mighty a memorable epoch in the history of America. I am work which had just then been planned. It was a apt to believe it will be celebrated by succeeding genefearful time. But there were giants in those days." rations, as the GREAT ANNIVERSARY FESTIVAL! And none were more conspicuous for ardent devo-It ought to be commemorated as the day of deliverance, tion and unlimited zeal, fixed resolution and steady by solemn acts of devotion to the Almighty God. It perseverance, than JOHN ADAMS, of Massachusetts, ought to be solemnized with pomp, shows, games, and THOMAS JEFFERSON, of Virginia They both lived sports, guns, bells, bonfires and illuminations-from to grow old, if we may be allowed the expression, one end of the continent to the other, from this time forever! in the glories of the nation which they labored so You will think me transported with enthusiasm; but faithfully to establish-they both died on the same I am not. I am well aware of the toil and blood, and day, and that day was the jubilee-anniversary of that treasure it will cost to maintain this declaration, and nation's existence! What a torrent of thought rush-support and defend these states; yet through all the es on the mind, when these things are mentioned-gloom I can see a ray of light and glory. I can see recollections of the past, seemingly, overwhelm us that the end is worth more than all the means; and by the importance of events that have happened-we that posterity will triumph, although you and I may greatly wonder at what has taken place, and endeavor rue, which I hope we shall not. Yours, &c. to look into futurity; saying to ourselves, what will JOHN ADAMS." VOL. XXY? ing known), "had the horses and the chariot of fire descended to take up the patriarchs, it might have been more wonderful, but not more glorious." tions will be made hereafter, as room can be spared because that a record of gratitude should be kept.It will assist in establishing, or preserving, NATIONAL CHARACTER. As was said in the last REGISTER, with respect to MR. JEFFERSON, "I am afraid to trust myself, at present, to do much more than mention the fact of the The papers may be almost literally said to be fillet deccase of our venerable and illustrious friend"- with testimonials of the respect and gratitude of all Mr. Adams. He was, indeed, a very lion in the classes of persons, for the pre-eminent services of "times that tried men souls"-as immovable from the illustrious dead. We might fill this sheet with his purposes as the "hundred hills" of his own native those which have already reached us, and yet the state, the cradle of the revolution." He was one current of matter has hardly begun. There is one of the earliest friends of liberty-one of the first, if universal burst of generous feeling from the east not the first of those that acted in the revolution, who to the west, and from the north to the south; and anticipated the independence and greatness of what every public body and private individual in the Unite now composes the United States. As early as 1755* ed States appears desirous of saying or doing somewhen only about twenty years of age, he anticipating in honor of the venerable men who so wondered what has since happened-the creation of a fully left us for another and a better world-fully great nation, "which the united force of ail Europe ripe in years, and possessing the unqualified esteen would not be able to subdue." See REGISTER, Vol. of happy millions of freemen. Some of the testimoXXVI, page 279, for the letter at length--and, for se-nies we shall give at length, but it is not to be esventy one years he honestly acted that such a nation pected that we can find room for them all-nor is should be-yes, and he acted poerfully. it necessary that we should. Previous to which, however, we give preference to brief sketches of the lives and public services of the patriarchs. FROM THE ESSEX REGISTER. That he, and his illustrious colleague in 1776 and political competitor from 1798 to 1804 or 5, committed errors, has been proved by the course of events, and subsequent information obtained as to the President Adams was educated at Cambridge, and views which influenced them--but this shews only, to the profession of the law. So eminent was Lis that, though among the greatest and the best of men, standing in that profession, that at an early age he they were still only men, and, of course not infallible; was appointed chief justice of the state, but he deand it is now universally agreed, that, however op-clined this office. Amid the force of excitement pro posed their policy appeared, there was more unity of daced by the Boston massacre, he dared to underiate purpose in it than opposing parties believed, both be the defence of British troops. His success in this trial ing zealous to promote the best interests of our coun- was complete. It evinced his talents and his strong try. But, for nearly twenty years past, there was a de- sense of justice and official duty. A less intrepid lightful harmony of design between them-they for- spirit would not have dared to stem the current of got their late political animosities, renewed their popular indignation by engaging in such a cause. old personal and political friendships, and really But it is not in his professional life, but his political, united "in common efforts for the common good," that we are to trace his glorious career. ❤rallying round" the rights of their nation, and repel-sacrificed his professon and every thing to the liber ling every attempt to touch them with unhallowed ties of his fellow citizens and the independence of hands. And, for several years previous to the last war with Great Britain, and during its continuance, it seemed as if Mr. Adams had been made young again by an enlivening "spark from the altar of '76;" and the power of his writings, with the force of his example, was every where felt and acknowledged. The "fire of the flint" again warmed him-and "independence" was again his battle word. He would not permit an American to be converted into a slave, by a British press-gang-not at the command even of "majesty" itself. He soon his country. In 1770 he was elected a representa tive from Boston, and in 1774 a member of the council, but was negatived by gov. Gage, from the part he took in politics. From 1770 and previous, and until 1776, he was constantly engaged, and took a leading part in all the measures which were adopted to detend the colonies from the unjust attacks of the British parliament. He was one of the earliest that contemplated the independence of the country and her separation from the mother country. No man in the congress of 1776, did so much as he did to proIt will be pleasant to dwell on these things hereafter. cure the declaration of independence. It is believ At the present time, our feelings easily lead us much ed that the motion was made by a member from Vir astray-indeed, it is not easy, under the strange cirginia at his suggestion, that he seconded the motion cumstances of the ease, to keep them within reasona and sustained it by a most powerful and resistless arble bounds: but a little enthusiasm may be allowed-gument. By his influence also, Mr. Jefferson was the like event never happened before and cannot hap-placed at the head of the committee who framed the pen hereafter; and, though we must not be suspect-declaration. His reason for procuring the motion to ed of having wished the decease of either, may we come from Virginia, and of placing one of her delenot rejoice in it as a coincidence not less happy thangation at the head of the committee, was to engage wonderful, that they both placidly died on the 50th the hearty co-operation of that great state in the work anniversary of the Declaration of independence, and of independence. By the committee who were apat a moment when millions were joyously celebrat-pointed on the subject of a separation from the moing that great act which they were so conspicuous in ther country, Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Adams were ap performing? Indeed, there is something so strange pointed a sub-committee to frame a declaration of in it that we hardly know how to reconci e the fact by the common doctrine of chances. We shall now proceed to insert brief sketches of the lives of the illustrious dead, and to notice some of the honors paid to their memory-to which addi *When this letter was inserted in the REGISTER, queried the date, because of the then youthfulness of Mr. Adams-but it has since been made positively known to me that it was written in 1755; and, really, it is an extraordinary letter for a youth to have writ independence. The draft reported, was that of Mr. Jefferson, and he has deservedly received great credit for it. But those who consider how much easier it is to draft a report than to procure its passage and adoption, and who reflect that Mr. Jefferson never spoke in public, and that John Adams was the bold and daring spirit of the congress of 1776, and the eloquent advocate of its boldest measures, cannot fail to award him the highest honor which the adoption of that declaration could confer. From the declaration of independence until the peace, Mr. Adams was employed in the same glorious cause. Whilst Wash |