Mr. John Quincy Adams gave notice that he would to-morrow submit a motion to rescind the 25th rule of the House. This rule is in the words following: "No petition, memorial, resolution, or other paper, praying the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, or any State or Territory, or the slave-trade between the States or Territories of the United States in which it now exists, shall be received by this House, or entertained in any way whatever." A message from the Senate, by Mr. Dickins, their Secretary: Mr. Speaker: I am directed to acquaint the House of Representatives that a quorum of the Senate is assembled, and that the Senate is ready to proceed to business. The Senate have concurred in the resolution from this House for the appointment of a joint committee to wait on the President of the United States, and inform him that a quorum of the two houses is assembled, and that Congress is now ready to receive any communication he may be pleased to make, and have appointed Mr. Woodbury and Mr. Johnson of the said committee on the part of the Senate. And then he withdrew. Mr. Duncan gave notice of a motion for leave to introduce a bill to provide for holding the elections for electors of President and Vice President of the United States on one and the same day in all the States. Mr. Duncan gave notice of a motion for leave to introduce a bill to provide for extending the jurisdiction of the United States over the Oregon territory, and for other purposes in relation to said territory. Mr. Barringer gave notice of a motion for leave to introduce a bill making an appropriation for rebuilding the branch mint at Charlotte, North Carolina, lately destroyed by fire. Mr. Wentworth gave notice of a motion for leave to introduce a bill granting a further donation of land for the completion of the Illinois and Michigan canal. Mr. Sample gave notice of a motion for leave to introduce a bill for the relief of Alanson Phiney. Mr. Weller gave notice of a motion for leave to introduce a bill to extend the right of suffrage in the city of Washington. On motion of Mr. Weller, it was Ordered, That the daily hour to which this House shall stand adjourned, be 12 o'clock meridian, until otherwise ordered. And then, at 1 o'clock, p. m., on motion of Mr. Thompson, the House adjourned until to-morrow, at 12 o'clock meridian. TUESDAY, DECEMBER 3, 1844. Several other members appeared and took their seats, viz: From the State of Vermont, Jacob Collamer. From the State of Massachusetts, Julius Rockwell. From the State of New York, Smith M. Purdy and Thomas J. Pater son. From the State of New Jersey, Lucius Q. C. Elmer. From the State of Pennsylvania, John T. Smith. From the State of Missouri, John Jameson. Mr. Cave Johnson, from the joint committee appointed to wait on the President of the United States, and inform him that a quorum of the two houses is assembled, and that Congress is ready to receive any communication he may be pleased to make, reported that the committee had waited on the President of the United States, and discharged the duties of its appointment, and that the President answered that he would forthwith make a communication, in writing, to the two houses of Congress. On motion of Mr. Saunders, it was Resolved, That the standing committees be appointed according to the rules and orders of this House. Mr. John Quincy Adams, in pursuance of notice heretofore given, moved the following resolution: Resolved, That the 25th standing rule for conducting business in this House, in the words following: "No petition, memorial, resolution, or other paper, praying the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, or any State or Territory, or the slave-trade between the States or Territories of the United States in which it now exists, shall be received by this House, or entertained in any way whatever," be, and the same is hereby, rescinded. A motion was made by Mr. Thompson that the said resolution be laid upon the table. And the question being put, It was decided in the negative, The yeas and nays being desired by one-fifth of the members present, Those who voted in the affirmative are Mr. Archibald H. Arrington Mr. James Dellet John B. A he Archibald Atkinson James A. Black Julius W. Blackwell Linn Boyd Milion Brown William J. Brown Edmund Burke Armistead Burt John R. J. Daniel Garrett Davis John W. Davis John B. Dawson Edmund Deberry George C. Dromgoole Hugh A. Haralson Mr. Willoughby Newton Alexander H. Stephens James W. Stone Alfred P. Stone William Taylor William P. Thomasson Mr. Levi D. Carpenter Thomas L. Clingman Mr. Jacob Collamer Henry Y. Cranston Amasa Dana Cornelius Darragh Ezra Dean John Dickey Paul Dillingham, jr. Robert P. Dunlap Chesselden Ellis Lucius Q. C. Elmer Isaac G. Farlee Hamilton Fish Elias Florence Solomon Foot George Fuller Joshua R. Giddings Byram Green Joseph Grinnell John P. Hale Hannibal Hamlin Edward S. Hamlin John J. Hardin Alexander Harper Thomas J. Henley Joshua Herrick William S. Hubbell Charles Hudson Orville Hungerford James B. Hunt Joseph R. Ingersoll Mr. James Irvin Michael H. Jenks Perley B. Johnson William C. McCauslen Freeman H. Morse Robert Dale Owen Samuel C. Sample The question was then put, Will the House agree to the said resolution? And decided in the affirmative, SYeas, Nays, . 108 80 The yeas and nays being desired by one-fifth of the members present, Those who voted in the affirmative are Mr. Amos Abbott John Quincy Adams Joseph H. Anderson Daniel D. Barnard Mr. Joshua R. Giddings Byram Green Michael H. Jenks Mr. William A. Moseley Robert Dale Owen Those who voted in the negative are Mr. Archibald H. Arrington John B. Ashe Archibald Alkinson Julius W. Blackwell Linn Boyd Milton Brown William J. Brown Mr. George C. Dromgoole So the said rule was rescinded. Mr. Robert C. Winthrop Mr. Willoughby Newton Alexander H. Stephens William P. Thomasson Joseph A. Woodward A communication, in writing, was received from the President of the United States, by Mr. John Tyler, jr., his private secretary; which was read, and is as follows: To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States: We have continued cause for expressing our gratitude to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe for the benefits and blessings which our country, under his kind providence, has enjoyed during the past year. Notwithstanding the exciting scenes through which we have passed, nothing has occurred to disturb the general peace, or to derange the harmony of our political system. The great moral spectacle has been exhibited of a nation, approximating in number to 20,000,000 of people, having performed the high and important function of electing their chief magistrate for the term of four years, without the commission of any acts of violence, or the manifestation of a spirit of insubordination to the laws. The great and inestimable right of suffrage has been exercised by all who were invested with it, under the laws of the different States, in a spirit dictated alone by a desire, in the selection of the agent, to advance the interests of the country, and to place beyond jeopardy the institutions under which it is our happiness to live. That the deepest interest has been manifested by all our countrymen in the result of the election, is not less true than highly creditable to them. Vast multitudes have assembled, from time to time, at various places, for the purpose of canvassing the merits and pretensions of those who were presented for their suffrages; but no armed soldiery has been necessary to restrain within proper limits the popular zeal, or to prevent violent outbreaks. A principle much more controlling was found in the love of order and obedience to the laws, which, with mere individual exceptions, everywhere possesses the American mind, and controls with an influence far more powerful than hosts of armed men. We cannot dwell upon this picture without recognising in it that deep and devoted attachment, on the part of the people, to the institutions under which we live, which proclaims their perpetuity. The great objec tion which has always prevailed against the election by the people of their chief executive officer, has been the apprehension of tumults and disorders, which might involve in ruin the entire government. A security against this is found not only in the fact before alluded to, but in the additional fact that we live under a confederacy embracing already twenty-six States, no one of which has power to control the election. The popular vote in each State is taken at the time appointed by the laws, and such vote is announced by the electoral college, without reference to the decision of other States. The right of suffrage, and the mode of conducting the election, are regulated by the laws of each State; and the election is distinctly federative in all its prominent features. Thus it is that, unlike what might be the results under a consolidated system, riotous proceedings, should they prevail, could only affect the elections in single States, without disturbing, to any dangerous extent, the tranquil. lity of others. The great experiment of a political confederation-each member of which is supreme as to all matters appertaining to its local interests and its internal peace and happiness, while, by a voluntary compact with others, it confides to the united power of all, the protection of its citizens in matters not domestic-has been so far crowned with complete success. The world has witnessed its rapid growth in wealth and population; and, under the guidance and direction of a superintending Providence, the developments of the past may be regarded but as the shadowing forth of the mighty future. In the bright prospects of that future, we shall find, as patriots and philanthropists, the highest inducements to cultivate and cherish a love of union, and to frown down every measure or effort which may be made to alienate the States, or the people of the States, in sentiment and feeling, from each other. A rigid and close adherence to the terms of our political compact, and, above all, a sacred observance of the guarantees of the constitution, will preserve union on a foundation which cannot be shaken; while personal liberty is placed beyond hazard or jeopardy. The guarantees of religious freedom; of the freedom of the press; of the liberty of speech; of the trial by jury; of the habeas corpus, and of the domestic institutions of each of the States, leaving the private citizen in the full exercise of the high and ennobling attributes of his nature, and to each State the privilege (which can only be judiciously exerted by itself) of consulting the means best calculated to advance its own happiness;-these are the great and important guarantees of the constitution, which the lovers of liberty must cherish, and the advocates of union must ever cultivate. Preserving these, and avoiding all interpolations by forced construction, under the guise of an imagined expediency, upon the constitution, the influence of our political system is destined to be as actively and as beneficially felt on the distant shores of the Pacific, as it is now on those of the Atlantic ocean. The only formidable impediments in the way of its successful expansion (time and space) are so far in the progress of modification, by the improvements of the age, as to |