1

parting with what ought to be retained, and by exciting jealousy, illwill, and a disposition to retaliate in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld, and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite Nation) facility to betray, or sacrifice the interests of their own country without odium, sometimes even with popularity: - gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption or infatuation.

As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.

Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, [I conjure you to] believe me, [fellow-citizens], the jealousy of a free people ought to be [constantly] awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of Republican Government.— But that jealousy to be useful must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real Patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favourite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.

The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations is, [in extending our commercial relations], to have with them as little Political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements let them be fulfilled with [+] perfect good faith. Here let us stop.

Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. - Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence therefore it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by [5] artificial [ties]" in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, [or] the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships, or enmities.

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Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. -- - If we remain one People, under an efficient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve [upon] to be scrupulously respected. When [9] belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will [not] lightly hazard the giving us provocation [1]; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest guided by [1] justice shall counsel.

Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation?- Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humour or caprice ?

6 connection

an

3 incessantly 4 circumspection indeed, but with 8 to observe.

7

in

⚫ neither of two. 10 to throw our weight into the opposite snola;

11 aus

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'Tis our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances [1] with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to [existing] 2 engagements, ([I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs], that honesty is [always] the best policy). [I repeat it therefore let those engagements] be observed in their genuine sense.- But in my opinion it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them. –

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Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectably defensive posture, we may safely trust to [temporary]5 alliances for extraordinary emergencies.

Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand:-neither seeking nor granting exclusive favours or preferences;-consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; — establishing with powers so disposed — in order to give to trade a stable course, to define the rights of our Merchants and to enable the Government to support them - conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit; but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view, that 'tis folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors [from] another, that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character-that by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favours and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. - There can be no greater error than to expect, or calculate upon real favours from Nation to Nation. - 'Tis an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.

In offering to you, my Countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression, I could wish, that they will controul the usual current of the passions or prevent our Nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of Nations. But if I may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit; some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism, this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.

How far in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public Records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to You, and to the World. — To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.

In relation to the still subsisting War in Europe, my Proclamation of the 22d of April 1793 is the index to my plan. — Sanctioned by your approving voice and by that of Your Representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me:uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.

1 intimate connections

2 pre-existing

• occasional

3 for I hold it to be as true in public as in private transactions,
4 those must

⚫ at

After deliberate examination with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, [] I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest, to take a Neutral position. - Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perseverance and firmness.

[The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, [it is not necessary]" on this occasion [to detail.] I will only observe, that according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the Belligerent Powers, has been virtually admitted by all.] 3

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without anything more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every Nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of Peace and Amity towards other Nations.

The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavour to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency, which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.

4

Though in reviewing the incidents of my Administration, I am unconscious of intentional error-I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I [may] have committed many errors. -[Whatever they may be I]' fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate [the evils to which they may tend.]5-I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. [6]

(1 and from men disagreeing in their impressions of the origin, progress, and nature of that war.)

2 some of them of a delicate nature, would be improperly the subject of explanation. 3 The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, some of them of a delicate nature, would be improperly the subject of explanation on this occasion. barely observe that according to my understanding of the matter, that right so far from being denied by any belligerent Power, has been virtually admitted by all. — I will

This paragraph is then erased from the word "conduct," and the following sentence interlined, "would be improperly the subject of particular discussion on this occasion. I will barely observe that to me they appear to be warranted by well-established princi ples of the Laws of Nations as applicable to the nature of our alliance with France in connection with the circumstances of the War and the relative situation of the contend ing Parties."

A piece of paper is afterwards wafered over both, on which the paragraph as it stands in the text is written, and on the margin is the following note: "This is the first draft, and it is questionable which of the two is to be preferred." them

I deprecate the evils to which they may tend, and

6 May I without the charge of ostentation add, that neither ambition nor interest has been the impelling cause of my actionspower confided to me nor hesitated to use one, where I thought it could redound to your that I have never designedly misused any benefit. May I without the appearance of affectation say, that the fortune with which I came into office is not bettered otherwise than by the improvement in the value of prop. erty which the quick progress and uncommon prosperity of our country have produced? May I still further add without breach of delicacy, that I shall retire without cause for a blush, with no sentiments alien to the force of those vows for the happiness of his country so natural to a citizen who sees in it the native soil of his progenitors and him self for four generations?

On the margin opposite this paragraph is the following note: "This paragraph may have the appearance of self-distrust and mere vanity."

1

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man, who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for [several] generations; — I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good Laws under a free Government, - the ever favourite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labours and dangers.2

UNITED STATES,

19th September,

1 four.

1796.

GO. WASHINGTON.

2 The paragraph, beginning with the words, "May I without the charge of ostentation add," having been struck out, the following note is written on the margin of that which is inserted in its place in the text:-"Continuation of the paragraph preceding the last ending with the word 'rest.'"

III.

PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS IN CONSEQUENCE OF THE DEATH OF WASHINGTON.

SPEECH OF JOHN MARSHALL IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, AND RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED BY THE HOUSE DECEMBER 19TH, 1799.1

MR. SPEAKER,

The melancholy event, which was yesterday announced with doubt, has been rendered but too certain. Our Washington is no more! The hero, the patriot, and the sage of America; the man on whom in times of danger every eye was turned, and all hopes were placed, lives now only in his own great actions, and in the hearts of an affectionate and allicted people.

If, sir, it had even not been usual openly to testify respect for the memory of those whom Heaven has selected as its instruments for dispensing good to man, yet such has been the uncommon worth, and such the extraordinary incidents, which have marked the life of him whose loss we all deplore, that the whole American nation, impelled by the same feelings, would call with one voice for a public manifestation of that sorrow, which is so deep and so universal.

More than any other individual, and as much as to one individual was possible, has he contributed to found this our wide-spreading empire, and to give to the western world independence and freedom.

Having effected the great object for which he was placed at the head of our armies, we have seen him convert the sword into the ploughshare, and sink the soldier in the citizen.

When the debility of our federal system had become manifest, and the bonds which connected this vast continent were dissolving, we have seen him the chief of those patriots who formed for us a constitution, which, by preserving the union, will, I trust, substantiate and perpetuate those blessings which our Revolution had promised to bestow.

In obedience to the general voice of his country, calling him to preside over a great people, we have seen him once more quit the retirement he loved, and, in a season more stormy and tempestuous than war itself, with calm and wise determination pursue the true interests of the nation, and contribute, more than any other could contribute, to the establishment of that system of policy, which will, I trust, yet preserve our peace, our honor, and our independence.

Having been twice unanimously chosen the chief magistrate of a free

1 The intelligence of the death of Washington had been received the preceding day, and the House immediately adjourned. The next morning Mr. Marshall addressed this speech to the House.